On
November 6th, George W. Bush announced that America, through it's
interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan was leading a "global democratic
revolution". That he should have made such remarks on the eve
of Leon Trotsky's birthday the architect of "global
socialist revolution" was of course just coincidence.
However, the similarities between Trotsky's idea that socialism
should be spread at the barrel of a gun and the idea that democracy
can be forced upon the Muslim world through violent occupation and
threat of invasion are obvious.
Contemporary
American foreign policy is Trotsky's revenge. The neoconservative
movement that holds Washington in its thrall is itself merely a warmed-up
version of Trotsky's Fourth International. As Michael Lind wrote
in Britain's The New Statesman (April 7th, 2003), the neocons
are "products of the largely Jewish-American Trotskyist movement
of the 1930s and 1940s, which morphed into anti-communist liberalism
between the 1950s and 1970s and finally into a kind of militaristic
and imperial right with no precedents in American culture or political
history." If the neoconservative vision of a "democratic
revolution" in the Muslim world mirrors Trotsky's equally
flawed vision of a permanent socialist revolution, then will America's
reaction to democracy in Iraq mirror Brezhnev's doctrine of "limited
sovereignty"?
In early
1968, the Czech Communist Party under Alexander Dubcek attempted to
introduce a series of reforms. In May of that same year, Soviet leader
Leonid Brezhnev invaded Czechoslovakia, justifying the invasion by
claiming that "Czechoslovakia's detachment from the socialist
community would have come into conflict with it's own vital interests
and would have been detrimental to other socialist states". In
other words, the invasion was to protect socialism as an ideology.
Once a nation chose socialism, the soviet state could never allow
it to turn back. A nation's sovereignty was limited by a tight ideological
straitjacket.
As America
attempts to extricate herself from the Iraqi disaster, it has promised
a free election next year. If the Iraqi people are given a true democracy,
then America must face the bitter prospect that, finally able to choose
their political destiny, Iraq may choose a government that is not
malleable to American interests. As both Shi'ite and Sunni Iraqis
mobilize politically, it seems certain that the government ushered
to power will actually reflect more the wishes and aspirations of
Baghdad and Basrah, than the Beltway. If that happens, will America
accept that the people have spoken albeit with a possibly anti-American
and anti-Israeli voice or will America invoke its own Brezhnev
Doctrine of Limited Sovereignty and demand Iraqis adopt America's
export-grade democracy.
Yet
seeking to prevent terrorism and promote democracy by vetoing the
people's democratic aspirations is, like the strengthening of
the West's totalitarian "allies" in the region, a self-fulfilling
prophecy. On the day that Pearl Harbour was bombed, ex-President Herbert
Hoover warned that as long as America continues "putting pins
in rattlesnakes" it is only natural that one day those rattlesnakes
would bite. 19 of those rattlesnakes attacked America on September
11; these same rattlesnakes kill and attack American soldiers every
day in Iraq.
As the
neoconservatives push America towards war, they charge those who argue
for realism in American foreign policy with "appeasement".
Yet, it is not appeasement to recognize that one's actions and
policies are counter-productive to one's stated objectives: fighting
terror. There are one billion Muslims in the world who adhere to a
religion that has withstood a thousand years of attack by ideological
and military opponents. It will take more than the demands of a cabal
of intellectuals in Washington to transform the Muslim world.
A secure
and prosperous future for America will not be found in "permanent
democratic revolution"; "benevolent hegemony"; "creative
destruction" or any of the other neocon code-words for empire.
Since World War II, the United States has intervened in over twenty
countries, with no democracies resulting.
The
solution lies in a return to the foreign doctrine articulated by Thomas
Jefferson in his farewell address. The United States should seek,
"peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations; entangling
alliances with none". Likewise, John Quincy Adams, the sixth
President of the United States articulated, Americas "goes not
abroad in search of monsters to destroy. She is the well-wisher to
the freedom and independence of all. She is the champion and vindicator
only of her own".
It is
these "entangling alliances" that have led to so much hostility
against America in the Muslim world; particularly America's alliance
with Israel and its interference in Muslim societies. Rather than
seeking honest friendship with the Islamic World, the American administration
has entered into Faustian pacts with the totalitarian governments
of the region in the interests of "regional security" and
has attempted to forcefully spread its export-version of democracy
to a people who just want to be left alone.
America
fails to see where the real battle for security must be fought. Fighting
off the hordes of rattlesnakes is not the answer; nor is "liberating"
Kabul or Baghdad. Rather America must liberate Washington from those
who are, through their self-destructive idealism and zeal for democratic
revolutions, perpetually sticking pins in the tails of these rattlesnakes.
America's foreign policy should once again be the shield of the
Republic, and not the sword of Empire.