In
November 2003, George W. Bush described what he termed the third pillar
of America's security: "global democratic revolution." If
Iraq and Afghanistan were the first "beneficiaries" of this
revolution, then it seems almost certain that Saudi Arabia will feature
somewhere in Bush's revolutionary plans.
The
post-September 11 story goes that Saudi Arabia is the ideological
and financial underpinning for global terrorism and therefore the
only way to secure America is to liberalize and secularize Saudi Arabia.
That
such an accusation should be made now – nearly 80 years after
the modern state of Saudi Arabia was founded -- is strange. Saudi
Arabia has been run on effectively the same ideological line since
its inception. Throughout that time, Americans have been involved
in most all aspects of Saudi society – including the education
system – and no such claims were ever made. In fact, the relationship
between Saudi Arabia and the United States has been a mutually beneficial
and friendly one. Although most Americans wouldn't necessarily agree
with the practices or policies of the Kingdom, the fact remains that
there has been little criticism from those who have lived or worked
in the country.
However,
Saudi Arabia is not America. It was founded on the basis of Islam
and Islam has provided the guiding principles for the nation. The
idea that religion should be separated from the affairs of the state
is viewed as a heresy. In Islam secularism equates with apostasy –
a fact that clearly shows the fallacy and dangerousness of George
W. Bush's messianic vision of democratizing the region.
For
the visitor to Riyadh, the first thing that he will see when exiting
King Khalid International Airport is the airport mosque. The architecturally
magnificent mosque, with its dome, minarets and ornate structure,
alongside a modern airport provides a powerful symbolism for Saudi
Arabia's fusion of the technology of the modern world with religion.
Indeed,
mosques are everywhere in the Kingdom. Literally. Stand in any Riyadh
suburb and you can see, dotting the skyline, at least four or five
of the green lights that identify the minarets. Wait for the time
of prayer and one can hear the call to prayer reverberating through
the air from not one, but perhaps dozens, of mosques. Travel outside
the cities, and most every service station is accompanied by a mosque.
Alongside
the roads are signs exhorting travelers to "remember Allah,"
"give thanks to Allah," and "glorify Allah." Board
any Saudi airline and the pilot will begin by reading the prayer for
traveling. When the plane lands at its destination, gratitude is given
to God for delivering them safely.
Whereas
we in the West are accustomed to seeing the latest throwaway pop star
attract thousands of young people, in Saudi Arabia the ones who draw
the big crowds and command the most respect amongst the youth are
the Islamic scholars and speakers.
The
Saudi people are religious even though no-one would identify himself
as such. Praying five times a day in a mosque; sending one's children
to learn Qur'an; believing absolutely in one's faith; and living one's
life according to the rules of Islam is normal. It's part of their
national identity. The problem is that for many in the West, such
devotion to religion is seen as extreme and disturbing.
Despite
these realities, the Saudi people are being compared to the Iraqi
people as people struggling under the yoke of some hated oppressor.
Saudi Arabia is not Iraq. What criticism exists amongst ordinary Saudis
for their government exists only because they see their government
as not being sufficiently Islamic and not assertive enough in its
relationship with America.
The
fundamental issue for Saudis is not whether their government is a
democracy or a monarchy; the fundamental issue is to what extent their
government is implementing Islamic law in both its domestic and foreign
affairs. A replacement of their Islamic government with a secular
government isn't what they hope for, it's what they fear.
That
the President of the United States should believe that democracy and
secularism should and can be imposed upon Saudi society points to
a fundamental disconnect between America's ambitions and the nature
of human societies. It also points to the hubris that has overtaken
American foreign policy.
Societies
can't be changed by force or revolution, and it speaks ill of the
government's claimed conservatism that they don't know this. Edmund
Burke, the father of conservatism, wrote over 200 years ago: "The
nature of man is intricate; the objects of society are of the greatest
possible complexity; and therefore no simple disposition of direction
of power can be suitable either to man's nature or to the quality
of his affairs."
He
wrote this with regards to French Revolution, so what then of a revolution
that is being imposed by a foreign government that is viewed throughout
the Muslim world as being irredeemably hostile towards Islam and Muslims?
Those
Muslims who fight America do so believing they are defending Islam.
If America continues to interfere in the affairs of Saudi Arabia,
attempting to bully the government towards secularism and liberalism,
it will have an opposite effect to what is intended. America's security
doesn't lie in proving Bin Laden's claims of a war against Islam as
being true; America's security lies in proving Bin Laden wrong by
leaving the Muslim world to choose their own destiny, in their own
time and in their own way.