30-31, 1968, the Tet holiday, the North Vietnamese and the National Liberation
Front (NLF, known to Americans as "the Vietcong") struck at five of the country's
six largest cities, 34 provincial capitals, 64 district capitals, and numerous
military bases. NLF sappers even briefly captured part of the heavily fortified
American embassy compound in the center of the South Vietnamese capital, Saigon.
Vietnamese government troops allied to the Americans were badly bloodied and
American casualties were high. Fighting continued in parts of Saigon for three
weeks and in Hue, the old imperial capital, for almost a month until, as with
Fallujah in Iraq in November 2004, most of its buildings were destroyed. To
retake major urban areas, air power was called in. In perhaps the most infamous
phrase of the Vietnam War, an anonymous U.S. major said of the retaking of Ben
Tre, "It became necessary to destroy the town to save it."
In a wave of TV images of unexpected carnage, all this broke over the American
people, who had been assured that "progress" was being made, that, as American
commander General William Westmoreland put it, "We have reached an important
point when the end begins to come into view." (Sound familiar?)
The Tet Offensive was a home-front televisual disaster and proved a breaking
point in terms of public support for the war effort (despite massive losses on
the other side). A shocked Walter Cronkite, the avuncular anchorman of CBS News
and an American icon, declared the war "mired in stalemate." President Lyndon
Johnson, who was watching that broadcast, promptly turned to an aide and said,
"It's all over." And yet the war, already visibly hopeless, would continue through
another seven years of carnage as American ground troops were drawn down, while
air power was relentlessly ratcheted up. (Again, does any of this sound familiar?)
Now, 40 years later, we are nearing Tet 2008 (February 7th), embroiled in
another faraway war in another faraway land where Americans are dying and another
people, another society is suffering grievous wounds, once again on an almost
unimaginable scale. Once again, an administration is assuring Americans
that "progress" is being made, that a corner is being turned. Once again, the
are being brought
in. And once again, the voices we seldom hear are those of the civilians
who are suffering. Barely noted in our world while the war is ongoing, they
will promptly be forgotten if the Vietnam experience is any measure when
it's over (as someday it must be), while Americans focus on the "lessons" to
be learned from an "American tragedy."
Nick Turse and photographer Tam Turse are now in Vietnam meeting with Vietnamese
who ended up on the other end of American weaponry (and, in some cases, the
Vietnamese versions of present-day Hadithas). Traveling through the distant
Mekong Delta, they offer these unforgettable voices from the missing archives
of a lost war. Tom
Two Men, Two Legs, and Too Much Suffering
America's Forgotten Vietnamese Victims
By Nick Turse
Nguyen Van Tu asks if I'm serious. Am I really
willing to tell his story to tell the story of the Vietnamese who live in
this rural corner of the Mekong Delta? Almost 40 years after guerrilla fighters
in his country threw the limits of U.S. military power into stark relief during
the 1968 Tet Offensive we sit in his rustic home, built of wood and thatch
with an earthen floor, and speak of two hallmarks of that power: ignorance and
lack of accountability. As awkward chicks scurry past my feet, I have the sickening
feeling that, in decades to come, far too many Iraqis and Afghans will have
similar stories to tell. Similar memories of American troops. Similar accounts
of air strikes and artillery bombardments. Nightmare knowledge of what "America"
means to far too many outside the United States.
you really want to publicize this thing," Nguyen asks. "Do you really dare tell
everyone about all the losses and sufferings of the Vietnamese people here?"
I assure this well-weathered 60-year old grandfather that that's just why I've
come to Vietnam for the third time in three years. I tell him I have every intention
of reporting what he's told me decades-old memories of daily artillery shelling,
of near-constant air attacks, of farming families forced to live in their fields
because of the constant bombardment of their homes, of women and children killed
by bombs, of going hungry because U.S. troops and allied South Vietnamese forces
confiscated their rice, lest it be used to feed guerrillas.
After hearing of the many horrors he endured, I hesitantly ask him about
the greatest hardship he lived through during what's appropriately known here
as the American War. I expect him to mention his brother, a simple farmer
shot dead by America's South Vietnamese allies in the early years of the war,
when the United States was engaged primarily in an "advisory" role. Or his
father who was killed just after the war, while tending his garden, when an
M-79 round a 40 mm shell fired from a single-shot grenade launcher buried
in the soil, exploded. Or that afternoon in 1971 when he heard outgoing artillery
being fired and warned his family to scramble for their bunker by shouting,
"Shelling, shelling!" They made it to safety. He didn't. The 105 mm artillery
shell that landed near him ripped off most of his right leg.
But he didn't name any of these tragedies.
"During the war, the greatest difficulty was a lack of freedom," he tells
me. "We had no freedom."
A Simple Request
Elsewhere in the Mekong Delta, Pham Van Chap, a solidly-built 52 year-old
with jet black hair tells a similar story. His was a farming family, but the
lands they worked and lived on were regularly blasted by U.S. ordnance. "During
the ten years of the war, there was serious bombing and shelling in this region
two to three times a day," he recalls while sitting in front of his home,
a one-story house surrounded by animal pens in a bucolic setting deep in the
Delta countryside. "So many houses and trees were destroyed. There were so
many bomb craters around here."
January 1973, the first month of the last year U.S. troops fought in Vietnam,
Pham heard the ubiquitous sound of artillery and started to run to safety. It
was too late. A 105 mm shell slammed into the earth four meters in front of
him, propelling razor-sharp shrapnel into both legs. When he awoke in the hospital,
one leg was gone from the thigh down. After 40 days in the hospital, he was
sent home, but he didn't get his first prosthetic leg until the 1990s. His new
replacement is now eight years old and a far cry from the advanced, computerized
prosthetics and carbon fiber and titanium
artificial legs that wounded U.S. veterans of America's latest wars get. His
wooden prosthetic instead resembles a table leg with a hoof at the bottom. "It
has not been easy for me without my leg," he confides.
When I ask if there are any questions he'd like to ask me or anything he'd
like to say to Americans, he has a quick response. He doesn't ask for money
for his pain and suffering. Nor for compensation for living his adult life
without a leg. Nor vengeance, that all-American urge, in the words
of George W. Bush to "kick some ass." Not even an apology. His request is
entirely too reasonable. He simply asks for a new leg. Nothing more.
Ignorance Means Never Having to Say You're Sorry
ask Nguyen Van Tu the same thing. And it turns out he has a question of his
own: "Americans caused many losses and much suffering for the Vietnamese during
the war, do Americans now feel remorse?" I wish I could answer "yes." Instead,
I tell him that most Americans are totally ignorant of the pain of the Vietnamese
people, and then I think to myself, as I glance at the ample pile of tiny, local
potatoes on his floor, about widespread American indifference to civilians killed,
maimed, or suffering in other ways in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Even those Vietnamese who didn't lose a limb or a loved one carry
memories of years of anguish, grief, and terror from the American War. The
fall-out here is still palpable. The elderly woman who tells me how her home
was destroyed by an incendiary bomb. The people who speak of utter devastation
of villages laid waste by shelling and bombing, of gardens and orchards
decimated by chemical defoliants. The older woman who, with trepidation, peeks
into a home where I'm interviewing she hasn't seen a Caucasian since the
war and is visibly unnerved by the memories I conjure up. Another begins
trembling upon hearing that the Americans have arrived again, fearing she
might be taken away, as her son was almost 40 years earlier. The people with
memories of heavily armed American patrols disrupting their lives, searching
their homes, killing their livestock. The people for whom English was only
one phrase, the one they all seem to remember: "VC, VC" slang for the pejorative
term "Viet Cong"; and those who recall model names and official designations
of U.S. weaponry of the era from bombs to rifles as intimately as Americans
today know their sports and celebrities.
I wish I could tell Nguyen Van Tu that most Americans know something of
his country's torture and torment during the war. I wish I could tell him
that most Americans care. I wish I could tell him that Americans feel true
remorse for the terror visited upon the Vietnamese in their name, or that
an apology is forthcoming and reparations on their way. But then I'd be lying.
Mercifully, he doesn't quiz me as I've quizzed him for the better part of
an hour. He doesn't ask how Americans can be so ignorant or hard-hearted,
how they could allow their country to repeatedly invade other nations and
leave them littered with corpses and filled with shattered families, lives,
and dreams. Instead he answers calmly and methodically:
"I have two things to say. First, there have been many consequences
due to the war and even now the Vietnamese people suffer greatly because of
it, so I think that the American government must do something in response
they caused all of these losses here in Vietnam, so they must take responsibility
for that. Secondly, this interview should be an article in the press."
I sit there knowing that the chances of the former are nil. The U.S. government
won't do it and the American people don't know, let alone care, enough to
make it happen. But for the latter, I tell him I share his sentiments and
I'll do my best.
Nguyen Van Tu grasps my hands in thanks as we end the interview. His story
is part of a hidden, if not forbidden, history that few in the U.S. know.
It's a story that was written in blood in Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos during
the 1960s and 1970s and now is being rewritten in Afghanistan and Iraq. It's
a story to which new episodes are added each day that U.S. forces roll armored
vehicles down other people's streets, kick down other people's doors, carry
out attacks in other people's neighborhoods and occupy other people's countries.
It took nearly 40 years for word of Nguyen Van Tu's hardships at the hands
of the United States to filter back to America. Perhaps a few more Americans
will feel remorse as a result. But who will come forward to take responsibility
for all this suffering? And who will give Pham Van Chap a new leg?
Nick Turse is the associate editor and research director of Tomdispatch.com.
He has written for the Los
Angeles Times, the San Francisco Chronicle, the Nation, the Village Voice,
and regularly for Tomdispatch.com. His first book, The
Complex, an exploration of the new military-corporate complex in America,
is due out in the American Empire
Project series by Metropolitan Books in March 2008.
Tam Turse is a freelance photojournalist
working in New York City. Her photographs have appeared most recently in The
Progressive and at TomDispatch.com for which she is the official photographer.
More of her photos from these interviews can by viewed by clicking
Copyright 2008 Nick Turse