[Note for TomDispatch readers: It's worth mentioning that the missing
Iraqi oil story – see below – wasn't missing online, and certainly not at TomDispatch.
This site's newest book, The
World According to TomDispatch: America in the New Age of Empire, has
a section labeled "The Petro-Industrial Complex and its Discontents," including
striking pieces by Michael Klare and Michael Schwartz on our gasoholic Pentagon
and the prize of Iraqi oil. Again, I urge readers to consider supporting TomDispatch
and its efforts by picking up a book that should, I think, be in any serious
library of our mad age of Bush the Younger. Tom]
More than five years after the invasion of Iraq
– just in case you were still waiting – the oil giants finally hit the front
page…
Last Thursday, the New York Times led
with this headline: "Deals With Iraq Are Set to Bring Oil Giants Back." (Subhead:
"Rare No-Bid Contracts, a Foothold for Western Companies Seeking Future Rewards.")
And who were these four giants? ExxonMobil, Shell, the French company Total,
and BP (formerly British Petroleum). What these firms got were mere "service
contracts" – as in servicing Iraq's oil fields – not the sort of "production
sharing agreements" that President Bush's representatives in Baghdad once dreamed
of, and that would have left them in charge of those fields. Still, it was
clearly a start. The Times reporter, Andrew E. Kramer, added this little
detail: "[The contracts] include a provision that could allow the companies
to reap large profits at today's prices: the [Iraqi oil] ministry and companies
are negotiating payment in oil rather than cash." And here's the curious thing,
exactly these four giants "lost their concessions in Iraq" back in 1972 when
that country's oil was nationalized. Hmmm.
You'd think the Times might have slapped some kind of "we wuz wrong"
label on the piece. I mean, remember when the mainstream media, the Times
included, seconded the idea that Bush's invasion, whatever it was about
– weapons of mass destruction or terrorism or liberation or democracy or bad
dictators or… well, no matter – you could be sure of one thing: it wasn't
about oil. "Oil" wasn't a word worth including in serious reporting on the
invasion and its aftermath, not even after it turned out that American troops
entering Baghdad guarded only
the Oil and Interior Ministries, while the rest of the city was looted.
Even then – and ever after – the idea that the Bush administration might have
the slightest urge to control Iraqi oil (or the flow of Middle Eastern oil
via a well-garrisoned Iraq) wasn't worth spending a few paragraphs of valuable
newsprint on.
I always thought that, if Iraq's main product had been video games, sometime
in the last five years the Times (and other major papers) would have
had really tough, thoughtful pieces, asking really tough, thoughtful questions,
about the effects of the invasion and ensuing chaos on our children's lives
and the like. But oil, well… After all, with global
demand for energy on the rise, why would anybody want to invade, conquer,
occupy, and garrison a country that, as Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz
once observed,
"floats on a sea of oil"?
And let's be fair. At the time of the impending invasion, reasonable people
couldn't possibly have imagined that it had anything to do with oil, not while
George W. Bush was politely ignoring the subject, except when referring obliquely
to Iraq's "patrimony"
of "natural resources." Forget that our president had had an 11-year
career in the energy business (and had been Arbusto-ed);
or that his vice president had been the CEO of a giant energy services corporation,
Halliburton – retiring during the presidential campaign of 2000 with a $34
million severance package; or that, back in those distant years, he had
not hesitated to talk about the necessity of getting a tad more oil into the
international pipeline. (As he told
an oil industry crowd back in 1999, "By some estimates there will be an average
of two percent annual growth in global oil demand over the years ahead along
with conservatively a three percent natural decline in production from existing
reserves. That means by 2010 we will need on the order of an additional 50
million barrels a day. So where is the oil going to come from?" Where indeed?
He then answered his own question: "While many regions of the world offer great
oil opportunities, the Middle East, with two-thirds of the world's oil and
the lowest cost, is still where the prize ultimately lies.")
Or how about the president's national security adviser, who was on the board
of Chevron and had a double-hulled oil tanker, the Condoleezza Rice,
named
after her in the oh-so-innocent 1990s. Forget as well the veep's secret energy
task force of 2000 (also starring ExxonMobil and pals) which recommended
that the new administration turn its good offices to convincing Middle Eastern
countries "to open up areas of their energy sectors to foreign investment."
Forget it all and be fair.
After all, the only people who thought that oil might have something to do
with the invasion of Iraq weren't on the Times staff. They weren't,
in fact, in the mainstream at all. And, to put things into context, depending
on your estimates, there were only somewhere between 11 million and 30 million
of them marching around in the streets of cities and towns all over the planet
before the invasion, carrying signs that said
ludicrous, easily dismissible things like: "No Blood for Oil," "How did USA's
oil get under Iraq's sand?," and "Don't trade lives for oil!"
Let's face it: Among those who counted, they – with their simpleminded slogans
on hand-lettered placards – just didn't count at all. Not when everyone who
was anyone knew that the world was a much, much, much subtler and much, much
more complicated place. No blood for oil? Sure, it was short and snappy and
easy enough to get on a sign, but also about as absurdly reductionist, as unsubtle,
as uncomplicated as possible.
I
mean, really! And, worse yet, that thoughtless crew of demonstrators
had the nerve to suspect – prospectively, not retrospectively – the worst of
the Bush administration, even when their betters, men (and a few women) with
so many years of experience in the ways of Washington and the world, were ready
to give its top officials the benefit of the doubt. Waving those silly signs,
they actually expected bad things to happen. It didn't seem to matter to them
that the president, vice president, national security adviser, and secretary
of defense assured them no such thing was possible; assured them, in fact,
that not to invade would lead
to mushroom clouds
over American cities and Iraqi
unmanned aerial vehicles spraying bio- or chemical weaponry along the east
coast of the United States.
No wonder those masses of naïve demonstrators have been erased from
the blackboard of history. No wonder, since the invasion, the Times
hasn't bothered to attend to them seriously again. No wonder, on the fifth
anniversary of the Bush administration's "cakewalk" to victory in Baghdad,
the newspaper's op-ed page turned
to L. Paul Bremer III, Richard Perle, and others from the crew that got
us into Iraq, or cheered the administration on, to comment on what had gone
wrong, while skipping the crew in the streets that got it right in the first
place.
Now, with a barrel of crude selling at more than quadruple its prewar price,
more than
double its price a mere year ago, the oil majors are finally moving in
for the… well, let's not say "kill," let's just say that tasty little sip of
the ol' patrimony.
And, by the way, here's how Times reporter Kramer, in a single paragraph,
managed to (barely) reintroduce those missing prewar demonstrators, while sidling
up to reality and history: "There was suspicion," he wrote, "among many in
the Arab world [notoriously suspicious types, of course] and among parts of
the American public that the United States had gone to war in Iraq precisely
to secure the oil wealth these contracts seek to extract. The Bush administration
has said that the war was necessary to combat terrorism. It is not clear what
role the United States played in awarding the contracts; there are still American
advisers to Iraq's Oil Ministry."
Arabs with suspicions and unidentified "parts" of the American public, all
in the same sentence. Still sounds dismissible to me. Well, you know those
types. They deserve no less. They're the sorts who might even be suspicious
of "American advisers to Iraq's Oil Ministry," or, yet more absurdly, of those
"no-bid" contracts for the oil majors – and just because it was in the DNA
of the Bush administration to award similar
no-bid contracts to corporate cronies like… uh… Halliburton.
But the odds are that "the Iraqis" who awarded those contracts probably just
knew a good idea when they saw one up close and personal over so many years.
And now, here we are. Sure, it's kinda thoughtless, kinda embarrassing, and
yet so typical of ExxonMobil and Co. not to care about making all those pundits
and knowledgeable observers look really, really bad. What an unfortunate coincidence,
this story breaking just now, don't you think? I mean, after all that blood,
American and Iraqi, has been spilled, here comes the oil.
It's the sort of thing that could make suspicious Arabs even more so and give
a new life to some really dumb slogans in the U.S. But you know, sometimes,
if you're an oil giant, you just have to bite the bullet. After all, there's
still one heck of a lot of that patrimonial oil in Iraq's ground. At more than
$130 a barrel, someone has to get it out – and why not, as Kramer puts it,
"Western companies with experience managing large projects"? I mean, after
all these years, why not?
[Note on further reading: In its follow-up piece on the "no-bid" contracts,
the Washington Post added
a fifth oil giant, Chevron, to the list and managed, as well, to include this
already familiar paragraph: "A higher-profile role for Western companies in
Iraq's oil industry is likely to revive speculation that the Iraq war was motivated
by a desire to tap into reserves that were controlled by foreigners until the
1960s, when the industry was nationalized. The belief is widespread in the
Arab world." Like some cameo role in a film, this cameo paragraph is evidently
all that's now left of the largest prewar antiwar movement in history. For
some good background on the history of Western exploitation of Iraqi oil and
its subsequent nationalization, check out Juan Cole's "They're
Baaack…" at his Informed Comment blog. (And, while you're at it, don't
miss his recent devastating
description of "the real state of Iraq.") A good source to consult for
regular Iraqi oil news is Ben Lando's Iraq
Oil Report.]
Copyright 2008 Tom Engelhardt