Here it is, as simply as I can put it: In the
course of any year, there must be relatively few countries on this planet on
which U.S. soldiers do not set foot, whether with guns blazing, humanitarian
aid in hand, or just for a friendly visit. In startling numbers of countries,
our soldiers not only arrive, but stay interminably, if not indefinitely. Sometimes
they live on military bases built to the tune of billions of dollars that amount
to sizeable American towns (with accompanying amenities), sometimes on stripped
down forward operating bases that may not even have showers. When those troops
don't stay, often American equipment does carefully stored for further
use at tiny "cooperative security locations," known informally as "lily pads"
(from which U.S. troops, like so many frogs, could assumedly leap quickly into
a region in crisis).
At the height of the Roman Empire, the Romans had an estimated
37 major military bases scattered around their dominions. At the height
of the British Empire, the British had 36 of them planetwide. Depending on just
who you listen to and how you count, we have hundreds of bases. According to
Pentagon records, in fact, there are 761
active military "sites" abroad.
The fact is: We garrison the planet north to south, east to west, and even
on the seven seas, thanks to our various fleets and our massive aircraft carriers
which, with 5,000-6,000 personnel aboard that is, the population of an
American town are functionally floating bases.
And here's the other half of that simple truth: We don't care to know about
it. We, the American people, aided and abetted by our politicians, the Pentagon,
and the mainstream media, are knee-deep in base denial.
Now, that's the gist of it. If, like most Americans, that's more than you
care to know, stop here.
Where the Sun Never Sets
Let's face it, we're on an imperial bender and
it's been a long, long night. Even now, in the wee hours, the Pentagon continues
its massive expansion of recent years; we spend militarily as if there were
no tomorrow; we're still building bases as if the world were our oyster; and
we're still in denial. Someone should phone the imperial equivalent of Alcoholics
Anonymous.
But let's start in a sunnier time, less than two decades ago, when it seemed
that there would be many tomorrows, all painted red, white, and blue. Remember
the 1990s when the U.S. was hailed or perhaps more accurately, Washington
hailed itself not just as the planet's "sole superpower" or even its
unique "hyperpower," but as its "global policeman," the only cop on the block?
As it happened, our leaders took that label seriously and our central police
headquarters, that famed five-sided building in Washington D.C, promptly began
dropping police stations aka military bases in or near the oil
heartlands of the planet (Kosovo, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait) after successful
wars in the former Yugoslavia and the Persian Gulf.
As those bases multiplied, it seemed that we were embarking on a new, post-Soviet
version of "containment." With the USSR gone, however, what we were containing
grew a lot vaguer and, before 9/11, no one spoke its name. Nonetheless, it was,
in essence, Muslims who happened to live on so many of the key oil lands of
the planet.
Yes, for a while we also kept intact our old bases from our triumphant mega-war
against Japan and Germany, and then the stalemated "police action" in South
Korea (1950-1953) vast structures which added up to something like an
all-military American version of the old British Raj. According to the Pentagon,
we still have a total
of 124 bases in Japan, up
to 38 on the small island of Okinawa, and 87 in South Korea. (Of course,
there were setbacks. The giant bases we built in South Vietnam were lost in
1975, and we were peaceably ejected
from our major bases in the Philippines in 1992.)
But imagine the hubris involved in the idea of being "global policeman" or
"sheriff" and marching into a Dodge City that was nothing less than Planet Earth
itself. Naturally, with a whole passel of bad guys out there, a global "swamp"
to be "drained,"
as key Bush administration officials loved to describe it post-9/11, we armed
ourselves to kill, not stun. And the police stations… Well, they were often
something to behold and they still are.
Let's start with the basics: Almost 70 years after World War II, the sun is
still incapable of setting on the American "empire of bases" in Chalmers
Johnson's phrase which at this moment stretches from Australia to
Italy, Japan to Qatar, Iraq to Colombia, Greenland to the Indian Ocean island
of Diego Garcia, Romania to Okinawa. And new bases of various kinds are going
up all the time (always with rumors
of more to come). For instance, an American missile system is slated to go into
Poland and a radar system into Israel. That will mean Americans stationed in
both countries and, undoubtedly, modest bases of one sort or another to go with
them. (The Israeli one "the first American base on Israeli territory"
reports
Aluf Benn of Haaretz, will be in the Negev desert.)
There are 194 countries
on the planet (more or less), and officially 39 of them have American "facilities,"
large and/or small. But those are only the bases the Pentagon officially acknowledges.
Others simply aren't
counted, either because, as in the case of Jordan, a country finds it politically
preferable not to acknowledge such bases; because, as in the case of Pakistan,
the American military shares bases that are officially Pakistani; or because
bases in war zones, no matter how elaborate, somehow don't count. In other words,
that 39 figure doesn't even include Iraq or Afghanistan. By 2005, according
to the Washington Post, there were 106 American bases in Iraq, ranging
from tiny outposts to mega-bases like Balad Air Base and the ill-named Camp
Victory that house tens of thousands of troops, private contractors, Defense
Department civilians, have bus routes, traffic lights, PXes, big name fast-food
restaurants, and so on.
Some of these bases are, in effect, "American towns" on foreign soil. In Afghanistan,
Bagram Air Base, previously used by the Soviets in their occupation of the country,
is the largest and best known. There are, however, many more, large and small,
including Kandahar Air Base, located in what was once the unofficial capital
of the Taliban, which even has a full-scale
hockey rink (evidently for its Canadian contingent of troops).
You would think that all of this would be genuine news, that the establishment
of new bases would regularly generate significant news stories, that books by
the score would pour out on America's version of imperial control. But here's
the strange thing: We garrison the globe in ways that really are not
to put too fine a point on it unprecedented, and yet, if you happen to
live in the United States, you basically wouldn't know it; or, thought about
another way, you wouldn't have to know it.
In Washington, our garrisoning of the world is so taken for granted that no
one seems to blink when billions go into a new base in some exotic, embattled,
war-torn land. There's no discussion, no debate at all. News about bases abroad,
and Pentagon basing strategy, is, at best, inside-the-fold stuff, meant for
policy wonks and news jockeys. There may be no subject more taken for granted
in Washington, less seriously attended to, or more deserving of coverage.
Missing Bases
Americans have, of course, always prided themselves
on exporting "democracy," not empire. So empire-talk hasn't generally been an
American staple and, perhaps for that reason, all those bases prove an awkward
subject to bring up or focus too closely on. When it came to empire-talk in
general, there was a brief period after 9/11 when the neoconservatives, in full-throated
triumph, began to compare us to Rome and Britain at their imperial height (though
we were believed to be incomparably, uniquely more powerful). It was, in the
phrase of the time, a "unipolar moment." Even liberal war hawks started talking
about taking up "the burden" of empire or, in the phrase of Michael Ignatieff,
now a Canadian politician but, in that period, still at Harvard and considered
a significant American intellectual, "empire
lite."
On the whole, however, those in Washington and in the media haven't considered
it germane to remind Americans of just exactly how we have attempted to "police"
and control the world these last years. I've had two modest encounters with
base denial myself:
In the spring of 2004, a journalism student I was working with emailed me
a clip, dated October 20, 2003 less than seven months after American
troops entered Baghdad from a prestigious engineering magazine. It quoted
Lt. Col. David Holt, the Army engineer "tasked with facilities development"
in Iraq, speaking proudly of the several
billion dollars ("the numbers are staggering") that had already been sunk
into base construction in that country. Well, I was staggered anyway. American
journalists, however, hardly noticed, even though significant sums were already
pouring into a series of mega-bases that were clearly meant to be permanent
fixtures on the Iraqi landscape. (The Bush administration carefully avoided
using the word "permanent" in any context whatsoever, and these bases were first
dubbed "enduring camps.")
Within two years, according
to the Washington Post (in a piece that, typically, appeared on page
A27 of the paper), the U.S. had those 106 bases in Iraq at a cost that, while
unknown, must have been staggering indeed. Just stop for a moment and consider
that number: 106. It boggles the mind, but not, it seems, American newspaper
or TV journalism.
TomDispatch.com has covered
this subject regularly ever since, in part because these massive "facts
on the ground," these modern
Ziggurats, were clearly evidence of the Bush administration's long-term
plans and intentions in that country. Not surprisingly, this year, U.S. negotiators
finally offered the Iraqi government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki its terms
for a so-called status of forces agreement, evidently initially demanding the
right to occupy
into the distant future 58 of the bases it has built.
It has always been obvious to me, at least that any discussion
of Iraq policy in this country, of timelines or "time
horizons," drawdowns or withdrawals, made little sense if those giant facts
on the ground weren't taken into account. And yet you have to search the
U.S. press carefully to find any reporting on the subject, nor have bases played
any real role in debates in Washington or the nation over Iraq policy.
I could go further: I can think of two intrepid American journalists, Thomas
Ricks of the Washington Post and Guy
Raz of NPR, who actually visited a single U.S. mega-base, Balad Air Base,
which reputedly has a level of air traffic similar to Chicago's O'Hare International
or London's Heathrow, and offered substantial reports on it. But, as far as
I know, they, like the cheese of children's song, stand alone. I doubt that
in the last five years Americans tuning in to their television news have ever
been able to see a single report from Iraq that gave a view of what the bases
we have built there look like or cost. Although reporters visit them often enough
and, for instance, have regularly offered reports from Camp Victory in Baghdad
on what's going on in the rest of Iraq, the cameras never pan away from the
reporters to show us the gigantic base itself.
More than five years after ground was broken for the first major American
base in Iraq, this is, it seems to me, a remarkable record of media denial.
American bases in Afghanistan have generally experienced a similar fate.
My second encounter with base denial came in my other life. When not running
TomDispatch.com, I'm a book
editor; to be more specific, I'm Chalmers Johnson's editor. I worked on
the prophetic Blowback:
The Costs and Consequences of American Empire, which was published back
in 2000 to a singular lack of attention until, of course, the attacks
of 9/11, after which it became a bestseller, adding both "blowback" and the
phrase "unintended consequences" to the American lexicon.
By the time The
Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic,
the second volume in his Blowback Trilogy, came out in 2004, reviewers,
critics, and commentators were all paying attention. The heart of that book
focused on how the U.S. garrisons the planet, laying out Pentagon basing policies
and discussing specific bases in remarkable detail. This represented serious
research and breakthrough work, and the book indeed received much attention
here, including major, generally positive reviews. Startlingly, however, not
a single mainstream review, no matter how positive, paid any attention, or even
really acknowledged, his chapters on the bases, or bothered to discuss the U.S.
as a global garrison state. Only three years later did a major reviewer pay
the subject serious attention. When Jonathan Freedland reviewed
Nemesis, the final book in the Trilogy, in the New York Review
of Books, he noticed the obvious and, in a discussion of U.S. basing policy,
wrote, for instance:
"Johnson is in deadly earnest when he draws a parallel with Rome.
He swats aside the conventional objection that, in contrast with both Romans
and Britons, Americans have never constructed colonies abroad. Oh, but they
have, he says; it's just that Americans are blind to them. America is an 'empire
of bases,' he writes, with a network of vast, hardened military encampments
across the earth, each one a match for any Roman or Raj outpost."
Not surprisingly, Freedland is not an American journalist, but a British one
who works for the Guardian.
In the U.S., military bases really only matter, and so make headlines, when
the Pentagon attempts to close some of the vast numbers of them scattered across
this country. Then, the fear of lost jobs and lost income in local communities
leads to headlines and hubbub.
Of course, millions of Americans know about our bases abroad firsthand. In
this sense, they may be the least well kept secrets on the planet. American
troops, private contractors, and Defense Department civilian employees all have
spent extended periods of time on at least one U.S. base abroad. And yet no
one seems to notice the near news blackout on our global bases or consider it
the least bit strange.
The Foreshortened American Century
In a nutshell, occupying the planet, base by
base, normally simply isn't news. Americans may pay no attention and yet, of
course, they do pay. It turns out to be a staggeringly expensive process for
U.S. taxpayers. Writing of a major 2004 Pentagon global base overhaul (largely
aimed at relocating many of them closer to the oil heartlands of the planet),
Mike Mechanic of Mother Jones magazine online points
out the following: "An expert panel convened by Congress to assess the overseas
basing realignment put the cost at $20 billion, counting indirect expenses overlooked
by the Pentagon, which had initially budgeted one-fifth that amount."
And that's only the most obvious way Americans pay. It's hard for us even
to begin to grasp just how military (and punitive) is the face that the U.S.
has presented to the world, especially during George W. Bush's two terms in
office. (Increasingly, that same face is also presented to Americans. For instance,
as Paul Krugman indicated
recently, the civilian Federal Emergency Management Agency [FEMA] has been
so thoroughly wrecked these last years that significant planning for the response
to Hurricane Gustav fell on the shoulders of the military's Bush-created U.S.
Northern Command.)
In purely practical terms, though, Americans are unlikely to be able to shoulder
forever the massive global role the Pentagon and successive administrations
have laid out for us. Sooner or later, cutbacks will come and the sun will slowly
begin to set on our base-world abroad.
In the Cold War era, there were, of course, two "superpowers," the lesser
of which disappeared in 1991 after a lifespan of 74 years. Looking at what seemed
to be a power vacuum across the Bering Straits, the leaders of the other power
prematurely declared themselves triumphant in what had been an epic struggle
for global hegemony. It now seems that, rather than victory, the second superpower
was just heading for the exit far more slowly.
As of now, "the American Century," birthed by Time/Life publisher Henry
Luce in 1941, has lasted but 67 years. Today, you have to be in full-scale denial
not to know that the twenty-first century whether it proves to be the
Century of Multipolarity, the Century of China, the Century of Energy, or the
Century of Chaos will not be an American one. The unipolar moment is
already so over and, sooner or later, those mega-bases and lily pads
alike will wash up on the shores of history, evidence of a remarkable fantasy
of a global Pax Americana.
Not that you're likely to hear much about this in the run-up to November 4th
in the U.S. Here, fantasy reigns in both parties where a relatively upbeat view
of our globally dominant future is a given, and will remain so, no matter who
enters the White House in January 2009. After all, who's going to run for president
not on the idea that "it's morning again in America," but on the recognition
that it's the wee small hours of the morning, the bender is ending, and the
hangover… Well, it's going to be a doozy.
Better take some B vitamins and get a little sleep. The world's probably not
going to look so great by the dawn's early light.
[Note on Sources: It's rare indeed that the U.S. empire of bases gets
anything like the attention it deserves, so, when it does, praise is in order.
Mother Jones online has just launched a major project to map out and
analyze U.S. bases worldwide. It includes a superb new piece on bases by Chalmers
Johnson, "America's
Unwelcome Advances" and a number of other top-notch pieces, including one
on "How to Stay in Iraq for 1,000 Years" by TomDispatch regular Frida Berrigan
(the second part of whose Pentagon expansion series will be posted at this site
soon). Check out the package of pieces at MJ by clicking here.
Perhaps most significant, the magazine has produced an impressive online interactive
map of U.S. bases worldwide. Check it out by clicking here.
But when you zoom in on an individual country, do note that the first base figures
you'll see are the Pentagon's and so possibly not complete. You need to read
the MJ texts below each map to get a fuller picture. As will be obvious,
if you click on the links in this post, I made good use of MJ's efforts,
for which I offer many thanks.]
Copyright 2008 Tom Engelhardt