massacre comes at a time when the U.S. is about to switch battlefields in
its avowedly "generational"
war on terrorism, from the Middle East to South Asia. As we move our forces
into Afghanistan and, inevitably,
Pakistan, the events in Mumbai light up the geopolitical landscape like lightning
at midnight, prefiguring a new and even bigger quagmire than the one we're
supposedly leaving behind
in Iraq. Forget the differences
between Sunnis and Shi'ites. That's so yesterday. What we're dealing with now,
in the Pakistani-Indian rivalry, is a true war of civilizations, pitting Muslims
India's 9/11: that's what they're calling
it, and the pattern fits in certain ways, particularly when it comes to
forewarnings. In the aftermath of the biggest terrorist attack in U.S. history,
out that the U.S. government had received intelligence
that might have led it to be more
vigilant or take certain preventive measures. In the case of Mumbai, however,
the warnings were quite
specific: the Indians were apparently informed that an attack from water-based
terrorists on Mumbai hotels – including the Taj Hotel, where much of the action
– was imminent. The most telling detail is no doubt the fact that the Indian
police simply ran
for cover, although what this tells us is hard to believe. Can it really
be true that so specific a warning could have been ignored?
The analogy to 9/11 hopefully does not include a reenactment of our own response
to the biggest terrorist attack in our history – the launching of a war
without end, one that has drawn us into the wilds of Waziristan and, now,
the unfathomable depths of the Muslim-Hindu divide.
More parallels with 9/11 – if you'll remember the immediate
reaction of the War Party was
to link the attacks
on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon with
Saddam Hussein's Iraq. Today, the reflexive response
of the same avowed "experts" is to point the finger at Pakistan. One would imagine
the debunking of the Saddam-Osama connection would give them some pause, but
no. A rationale for war is being constructed with stunning swiftness.
According to the Indian account,
the terrorists left behind a satellite phone on the boat they hijacked. Five
individuals have been identified as having placed calls, at least three of them
associated with Lashkar-e-Taiba,
a Muslim fundamentalist group that seeks to "liberate" Kashmir
from Indian rule. However, the Indians have a much longer list of suspects,
20 in all. The Wall Street Journal reports:
"India also has told Pakistan that the attacks were approved by Hafiz Mohammed
Saeed, the head of Jamaat ud Dawa, the parent organization of Lashkar-e-Taiba.
Mr. Saeed denied the allegation that his group was involved. 'India has always
accused me without any evidence,' Mr. Saeed said in an interview with GEO News,
a private Pakistan television channel."
In assigning responsibility for the Mumbai horror, we enter a world of murky
ambivalence. Lashkar-e-Taiba is said
to be affiliated, in some vague way, with "rogue" elements of Pakistani
intelligence, which is, in turn, connected
to the Taliban, the protector
and ally of al-Qaeda. The War Party has its terrorist genealogy down to
an exact science, but its precision comes into serious doubt when we look a
little closer at this alleged
"parent organization" of Lashkar-e-Taiba
– which apparently wasn't a terrorist organization when they were working alongside
American soldiers and relief workers in aiding victims of the devastating
2005 Pakistan-India earthquake.
The neat little narratives pumped out by war propagandists to rationalize acts
of mass murder are an important part of any campaign to spark a conflict, so
they have to be minimally convincing, or at least credible. Yet the
story coming out of the Indian government is frankly incredible. The terrorists
left a satellite phone conveniently placed next to the body of their ship's
captain, whose throat they had slit, with the numbers of their handlers stored
in memory. Very convenient. Even less convincing, however, is the assertion
that even after Ajmal Kasab, the lone survivor of the terror squad, had been
captured, he continued to get messages from his handlers. That little embellishment,
I believe, gives the show away. Add to this the oddly unprepared – indeed, criminally
negligent – role of the Indian security apparatus, and the whole thing reeks
to high heaven. "Fishy" is putting it mildly.
The effect of the Mumbai massacre on Indian politics is another likely analogy
to 9/11, which gave the
neocons power and catapulted the worst
warmongers to the very top of the national security bureaucracy. In the
case of India, where voters will soon
go to the polls, we are apt to see an electoral victory for the most militantly
nationalistic and chauvinistic political movement in the country, the Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP).
The BJP is the political expression of the Hindutva movement, a fundamentalist
version of traditional Hinduism that traces the genealogy of the Indian "race"
back to the old Aryan incursion from the north. According to the
ideologues of Hindutva, their race originated at the North Pole and was
originally – in its "pure" form – a tribe of blue-eyed, blonde Aryans. Accordingly,
the leader of their central organization, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS),
must be a blue-eyed, blonde-haired Saraswat
Brahmin. The movement's goal, like the goals of all fascist movements everywhere,
is to recapture the lost glory of a semi-mythical past, in this case the restoration
of the ancient Hindu empire.
The Indian government's great problem has been the country's lack of cohesion.
The failure of the Congress Party to unite the nation around a secularist-federalist
model and the persistence of localist separatism paved the way for the BJP
to unify the country on a different basis: extreme nationalism fueled by religious
fanaticism, i.e., Hindu fundamentalism.
The BJP rose to prominence on the strength of street
riots initiated by party-led gangs, which led to the destruction of a local
mosque. The BJP municipal government tore down the ruined building and built
a Hindu temple on the site, thought to have been the birthplace of the Hindu
god Ram. Those civil disturbances killed 1,200, mostly Muslims, a pattern of
communal violence that is sure to reassert itself in the aftermath of Mumbai.
The BJP will also reassert itself, I'm afraid: after being driven
from office four years ago, the Hindutva crackpots will more than likely
goose-step back into power, perhaps this time with a decisive majority. In the
last government they participated in, the defense minister, George
Fernandes, openly bragged India would "win" a nuclear exchange with Pakistan,
"We could take a strike, survive, and then hit back. Pakistan would be
finished. I do not really fear that the nuclear issue would figure in a conflict."
The government of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is scrambling
its passivity in the face of what seems like an attack from outside forces.
Singh is a mild and introspective technocrat, whose forte
has been untangling the smothering web of his country's mammoth bureaucracy
and revving up the country's economic engine. In the face of this crisis, however,
he faces increasing pressure from India's growing right-wing nationalist movement.
The smoke had barely cleared in Mumbai before BJP politicians were on
to cement an Indo-American alliance has been growing for quite some time and
is slated to accelerate. India's special
relationship with Israel, for one thing, is second only to our own. For
another, President-elect Obama's promise
to escalate the war in Afghanistan and even spread it into Pakistan is congruent
with the plans of India's War Party, which is waiting in the
wings to take the reins and confront Islamabad.
The argument that we must end the war in Iraq so that we can concentrate on
the "real" enemy, the amorphous and exaggerated
al-Qaeda, which is supposedly hiding in the wilds of Pakistan's tribal areas,
is leading to an even wider, more open-ended conflict, one so combustible that
it could spark a nuclear exchange between Pakistan and India.
as George W. Bush was, he never messed up that badly. One can almost
hear the collective sigh of relief now that we are approaching the day when
ignoramus is no longer in charge of American foreign policy. What may be
even more dangerous, however, is a very smart president who thinks he and his
advisers know more than they actually do.
The strategic shift in the balance of U.S. military forces in the region, away
from Iraq and eastward to Afghanistan and Pakistan, seems almost to have been
conceived in order to confirm the complaints
of the anti-American forces in the region that the U.S. and its allies have
launched a crusade to eliminate Islam from the map. From this perspective the
pattern is clear enough: having exhausted their efforts in Iraq, now the West
strikes from a different direction, in alliance with India. At the geographic
center of it all, you'll note, sits Iran,
which can look forward to being surrounded on both sides.