WASHINGTON "The reason I keep insisting that there was a relationship between
Iraq and Saddam and al-Qaeda," U.S. President George W. Bush told reporters
Thursday, is "because there was a relationship between Iraq and al-Qaeda."
This is what logicians call a tautology, or a "useless repetition," as the
dictionary defines it, but it is also an indication of how the Bush administration
is defending itself against a growing number of scandals and deceptions in
which it finds itself enmeshed.
Repetition and blaming the media, an old standby, of which Vice President
Dick Cheney and Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld are particularly fond dating
back to their service under Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford 30 years
ago, are back in vogue.
Thus it was that Cheney, the most aggressive administration proponent of
the theory that Saddam Hussein had not only been working hand in glove with
Osama bin Laden for years, but that he was also behind the bombing of the
World Trade Center in New York back in 1993, complained that New York Times
coverage of the 9/11 Commission's finding that there was no such link was
"outrageous" and probably "malicious."
And thus it was that Rumsfeld charged that media coverage of the abuses of
detainees held by the U.S. in Iraq's Abu Ghraib prison and elsewhere was not
only wrong, but dangerous.
"The implication that's out there is the United States government is engaging
in torture as a matter of policy, and that's not true," he declared, despite
the cascading leaks of Pentagon, Justice Department, and White House memoranda
suggesting ways in which domestic and international bans on torture can be
circumvented or ignored in the "war on terror."
And, in a distinct echo of the charges leveled by diehard hawks over the
U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam under the Nixon/Ford watch, he suggested that
reporters and editors, "sitting in an air-conditioned room some place," not
the military (and certainly not the policymakers) would be to blame if Washington
lost in Iraq.
"This much is certain," he said Thursday. "Coalition forces cannot be defeated
on the battlefield. The only way this effort could fail is if people were
to be persuaded that the cause is lost, or that it's not worth the pain
or if those who seem to measure progress in Iraq against a more perfect world
convince others to throw in the towel."
The tactic on which the administration appears to have settled in dealing
with what is clearly an unraveling of whatever shred of credibility it retains
is simply to insist as it has for so long anyway that it never made any
mistakes or exaggerated or misrepresented or lied about anything in any way,
and to hope that, if it repeats itself sufficiently loudly and often, people
will come to believe it.
"At this point, the White House position is just frankly bizarre," Daniel
Benjamin, a senior counter-terrorism official in the Clinton White House,
told the Los Angeles Times in response to Bush's declaration about
Al Qaeda and Hussein. "They're just repeating themselves, rather than admit
they were wrong."
Bush, of course, was responding to the finding by the bipartisan 9/11 commission
that, while bin Laden "explored possible cooperation with Iraq" when he was
based in Sudan through 1994, "Iraq apparently never responded," and no "collaborative
relationship" was ever established.
Proceeding from his tautology, Bush insisted that "this administration never
said that the 9/11 attacks were orchestrated between Saddam and al-Qaeda.
We did say there were numerous contacts between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda."
That rendition, of course, raises a host of questions, among them definitional
does the existence of "numerous contacts" amount to a "relationship," particularly
when one side fails to respond to the other?
"When I was 15 and kept asking Mary Beth for a date, and she would always
politely refuse, I think I would have been hard put to describe that as a
'relationship' as much as I wanted to brag about one," noted one Congressional
aide this week.
But, more important, the Bush's statement simply flies in the face of the
record. Just before invading Iraq, for example, Bush himself asserted that
Iraq had sent bomb-making and document-forgery experts to "work with al-Qaeda"
and also "provided al-Qaeda with chemical and biological weapons training"
a relationship that goes far beyond mere "contacts."
And, although he denied that his administration had ever suggested Hussein
connivance in the 9/11 attacks themselves, his March 19, 2003, letter to Congress
officially informing it that hostilities had begun asserted that the war was
permitted under legislation authorizing force against those who "planned,
authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September
Cheney, always the most aggressive in asserting a link between Hussein and
both al-Qaeda and 9/11, repeatedly made similar charges and last fall endorsed
the contents of an article in the neo-conservative Weekly Standard
consisting largely excerpts of a classified document prepared by the Pentagon's
shady Office of Special Plans (OSP) as "the best source of information"
that concluded that "Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein had an operational
relationship from the early 1990s to 2003." Under pressure from the Central
Intelligence Agency, the Pentagon later issued a release describing the article's
conclusions as "inaccurate."
Cheney, along with neo-conservative members of the Defense Policy Board,
the Wall Street Journal editorial writers, and The Weekly Standard,
also has been the administration's biggest champion of the single-sourced
Czech intelligence report of a meeting in Prague between a senior Iraqi intelligence
official and the ringleader of the 9/11 hijackers, Mohammed Atta, five months
before the attacks.
The meeting, according to the commission, which had access to contemporaneous
video shots of Atta, his cell phone records, and the testimony of the Iraqi
official who has been in U.S. custody since last July, never took place.
Yet Cheney said Thursday that he was still not convinced, suggesting cryptically
that he may have access to intelligence the commission was not able to see.
"That's never been proven," he said. "It's never been refuted."
Of course, Cheney's treatment of this issue gets us right into the epistemological
puzzles in which Rumsfeld specializes that "there are known unknowns" and
"unknown unknowns," which are those "we don't know we don't know" speculations
that seemed increasingly appropriate in light of the latest revelations by
Human Rights First that the
U.S. is holding an unknown number of detainees in as many as a dozen facilities
in the Middle East, South Asia, aboard naval vessels in the Indian Ocean and
elsewhere whose existence has not been disclosed to either the International
Committee of the Red Cross or to Congress.
Indeed, Rumsfeld's angry admonitions against the dangers of media coverage
of torture and abuses in U.S.-run prisons came at a press conference in which
he admitted that one Iraqi prisoner one of 13 so-called "ghost detainees"
tracked by Human Rights Watch had been kept off prison rosters for some
seven months, apparently to keep the Red Cross in the dark about whereabouts.
If true, that would constitute a clear violation of Article 75 of the Fourth
Geneva Convention, according to Deborah Pearlstein of Human Rights First.
Rumsfeld assured reporters that the detainee in question had been treated
"humanely" at all times.
Pressed by the White House, the Republican leadership in Congress, meanwhile,
prevented Democratic lawmakers from issuing subpoenas for some of the administration's
memoranda on its interrogation and detention policies and its contention,
in at least two leaked memos, that the president can overrule international
conventions, U.S. laws, and even the Constitution in his war-making powers
Such unconstrained power is, of course, entirely consistent with the notion
that a relationship between al-Qaeda and Hussein existed because the president