Lt. Gen. Daniel McKiernan, U.S. ground forces
commander in Iraq, put it succinctly. Although various
political leaders declared a glorious victory two months
ago, Gen. McKiernan knows better. "Iraq will be a combat
zone for some time," he told reporters a bit grimly.
The comment came last week in the midst of a U.S.
offensive against a suspected terrorist camp in what
they're starting to call the "Sunni triangle" region
north and west of Baghdad. This was the first time since
the statue of Saddam Hussein came down that the United
States used coordinated air and ground strikes in a
classic military assault. Dozens of Iraqis were killed
and a U.S. helicopter was shot down.
The action marked a notable increase in military
activity, apparently prompted by organized and activist
Baath Party loyalist resistance, perhaps inspired by a
still-alive Saddam Hussein offering bounties for the
deaths of American servicepeople. But the war's
aftermath has been tense from the beginning. About 40
Americans have been killed in attacks and ambushes since
the overthrow of Saddam.
Among the more disturbing reports is that many of the
fighters carrying out guerrilla-style attacks on U.S.
forces are from other countries, including Saudi Arabia
and Syria. It could be that U.S. occupation forces in
Iraq are starting to become a magnet for disaffected
Arabs and/or Islamic fundamentalist radicals from
throughout the region.
Fighting continued through the weekend, with four
Americans wounded by rocket-propelled grenades on
Sunday, followed by an all-out military assault on the
town of Khaldiyah on Monday.
Also on Monday an unidentified "very senior British
official in Baghdad" told London's Daily Telegraph that
the occupation "is the single most chaotic organization
I have ever worked for" and it "suffers from an almost
complete absence of strategic direction." Numerous
stories tell of infighting between State Department and
Defense Department officials over radically different
visions of Iraq's future.
Some will argue that this difficulty makes it more
important than ever that the United States commit to a
long-term stabilization program.
We suggest that the reverse is the case. An
aggressive U.S. presence is not an incentive for Iraqi
leaders to step forward and assume more authority and
responsibility. If an Iraq run by Iraqis is our goal, as
administration spokespeople insist, the United States
should begin reducing its visibility now - not because
we are intimidated, but because we actually believe in
Iraqi independence.