How to Take
Down a Government, Part
The West’s current electoral intervention campaign in Macedonia is the largest since last September, when considerable efforts were made to decisively interfere with the Belarus elections.
That attempt failed. But the Macedonian campaign may just work.
The Barking Dogs of Intervention
The media/PR war has been dictated by the ICG’s Edward Joseph, and implemented by affiliated interventionist media, most notably IWPR. To a lesser extent, Reuters has been used. Not coincidentally, certain local media have also pitched in, as have the Guardian and BBC.
Through the recycling of both personnel and quotes, the broad-based international consensus necessary for deposing the government is being built. Only that in this case, the base is not quite so broad as with Belarus. Only a very few major media organizations are currently operating in Macedonia. Perhaps the West thinks that it will be an easy sell.
It is clear that the ICG and IWPR are merely front organizations, the "barking dogs" of intervention, used to advance the agenda of Empire. Yet what is most disturbing is that in Macedonia their shared media campaign has been characterized by its extremely personal and partisan nature.
For this is a campaign not meant merely to expose corruption and fight violence, to secure fair elections and reform the political system. It is also being used to settle scores, curry favor and advance careers. In short, it is being used as a tool, ingeniously disguised behind the rhetoric of Western humanitarian ideals.
What is the ICG?
The International Crisis Group is an allegedly independent think-tank based in Brussels. It has cells in various crisis-afflicted countries, where it functions as both an analyst and "watchdog." Along with Human Rights Watch, the ICG is the world’s most powerful and pervasive interventionist organization. Its board of directors includes former ambassadors, governmental advisors, corporate executives, and retired generals. It is funded by the most powerful benefactors in America: a few include the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation; the Carnegie Corporation; George Soros’ Open Society Institute, Mutual of America, and the MacArthur Foundation, as well as 14 world governments, and a slew of influential individuals.
In Macedonia, the ICG maintains a small yet voluble mission, headed by American career peacemaker Edward Joseph. Although all ICG missions are known for being shrill and abrasive, Joseph’s operation takes the cake. As one European high official recently put it, "his arrogant, know-it-all attitude has made him very unpopular not only amongst the locals, but with many in the international community as well." Joseph’s partisan agenda has endangered both the respectability of the ICG as an institution, and even the stability of Macedonia itself.
What is the IWPR?
The Institute for War and Peace Reporting is active in "hot spots" around the world, wherever an intervention might bear fruit. It claims to be "…a pioneer in harnessing the power of the internet to support regional voices and alternative information." Yet with its long list of heavyweight funders, it’s clear that there is nothing "alternative" about it. Quite simply, the IWPR is a mouthpiece for Western governments. Just a few of its benefactors include: the US Institute for Peace; Dutch Ministry for Development Cooperation; MacArthur Foundation; European Commission; Ford Foundation; British Foreign and Commonwealth Office; George Soros’ Open Society Institute; and USAID. For external media validation, the website advertises praise from the BBC, the Guardian and the like.
As might be expected, the IWPR fully lives up to its interventionist creed in terms of "training" foreign journalists:
"the heart of our work is professional collaboration between international and regional journalists - the aim being to enhance the latter's reporting skills."
This, which smacks uncomfortably of cultural chauvinism, certainly has its uses (since to "train" foreign journalists often means to mold them in one’s own image). Since consensus-building relies on having "authentic" voices within foreign countries, such molding is essential for boosting the institution’s believability factor. This phenomenon has been replicated perfectly in IWPR’s Macedonia operation.
IWPR Tactics: Opinion Polls and "Experts"
A fleshed-out US government survey of 7 June stated that Albanians in Macedonia increasingly want an ethnically-pure state. And apparently, not without reason: Although intolerant Macedonians "have always had an unfavourable attitude towards Albanians," Albanian disdain for Macedonians was only recently provoked. To complement the propagandistic coup, the article is filtered through the mouthpiece of Balkan expert Tim Judah.
This article exemplifies IWPR’s tactics in the field. The formula is simple: first, provide some "objective," empirical data, then the expert author and/or quoted individual to lend weight to the preconceived intended idea. Never mind that the opinion poll was financed and carried out by IWPR’s funders. As we will see, a similar use of dubious opinion polls has been central to IWPR propagandizing in Macedonia.
IWPR in Macedonia: Sculpting History in its Own Image
It has one of those feel-good names that just can’t be criticized- the Macedonian and Albanian Journalists’ Dialogue Program. Yet does it pick sides? In fact, this operation is pro-Albanian, insofar is this stance remains politically correct. Now it has also become a mouthpiece for the "opposition" Socialist party (SDSM), and even for NLA boss Ali Ahmeti. In essence, it has been hijacked to fulfill the ambitions of the individuals involved.
A second example of how the IWPR’s funders have shaped its agenda is the IWPR’s partnership with the USIP.
In May, the USIP hosted Kosovo "Prime Minister" Bajram Rexhepi in Washington. Just as the crowded hall was testimony to Washington’s residual support for NATO’s Kosovo adventure, Rexhepi’s words revealed Albanians’ increasingly aggressive attitude. Besides reiterating their desire for independence, Rexhepi also confirmed that his KPC thugs had helped attack Macedonia’s border.
Now, the USIP has helped fund two of IWPR’s ventures in Macedonia: a "media advisory council" and a "workshop" for training school teachers in how to teach post-war history. Daniel Serwer (who was also Rexhepi’s host) explained the latter:
"No problem has troubled post-conflict societies more profoundly than how to teach about a conflict after a peace agreement is signed… the separate ethnically based schools and local control that often result from conflict lead to educational programs that continue to paint negative pictures of other ethnic groups and perpetuate divisive historical accounts… we attempted to counter this tendency in Macedonia, where last year's conflict between Albanian guerrillas and a Macedonian-dominated army and police force brought the country to the brink of civil war. The workshop for high school teachers was one of many steps needed to overcome prejudices and hostilities in Macedonia."
By calling the Albanians "guerrillas" and implying that the Macedonians "dominate" their own country, Serwer has made the USIP/IWPR take on history obvious. If it is true that the victors write the history, it seems that Ali Ahmeti, and the Western interventionists, won the war- as indeed they did.
"Independent" Media Monitoring and the Ties That Bind
In Macedonia, it seems that everyone with an office and an underpaid assistant is in the media monitoring game. Unsurprisingly, the "media advisory council" claims that its "members represent all ethnic groups and are not involved in politics or the media."
Now, this would all be well and good, except that Agim Fetahu- a founder of this council- is active in the media: in fact, he is IWPR's program director in Macedonia. Fetahu also participated in the abovementioned history whitewashing project, together with representatives of the anti-government Macedonian Helsinki Committee, which is closely affiliated with the crew from Human Rights Watch; note HRW’s cuckolding letter of protest to the Macedonian government.
The MMAC has also recently been employed to publicize the ICG’s corruption crusade- and so, to influence the elections. Manipulated by political intriguers and a snake’s nest of media interventionists- indeed, the MMAC is definitely unaffiliated with politics or the media.
All in all, the ICG and IWPR have much in common. Their boards overlap, and their benefactors attend the same cocktail parties. Not only do they advertise one another, they also have pooled their resources to advance their agenda in Macedonia.
In a series of coordinated articles denouncing the present government, the ICG’s Joseph has been quoted by a handful of journalists- most of whom work for Saso Ordanovski, editor of Skopje’s Forum magazine and IWPR Project Editor in Macedonia. Similar pieces, by the same journalists, have also appeared in Reuters. The timing of these reports and their intention cannot be coincidental: they are intended to decisively influence the September 15 elections.
Before reviewing the evidence for this, we must set some context.
A Balkan Legend: Edward Joseph
"Basically, I do Bosnia. That’s it in a sentence." So said a glib Edward Joseph in 1999. He had arrived seven years earlier, as a US Army Reserves helicopter pilot. His subsequent civilian appointments made him known as a hardcore (and anti-Serbian) interventionist. As an UNPROFOR spokesman in Bihac, his presence is attested at a battle at Bosanska Krupa on 4 January 1995. That period was characterized by frequent cease-fire violations, and disorganized fighting between Bosnian Serbs, Croatian Serbs, renegade Muslims and the Bosnian Muslim army. Joseph’s attempts to put pressure on the Serbs are recorded:
"We are encouraged (by the potential for negotiations)... but we know that for the full progress in Bihac we need all elements involved,'' said Edward Joseph, a U.N. spokesman in the Bihac enclave. ``We know the (Croatian) Serbs are part of the problem. We hope they'll become part of the solution.''
This is noteworthy, according to our resident Bosnia expert. Says Nebosja Malic,
"The Bihac pocket was an interesting place during the war, because it was a haven for Muslim fundamentalist fighters. Even though they were surrounded by Serbs and moderate Muslims (Abdic's Autonomous Western Bosnia), they were resupplied by (banned!) helicopters, and saved by Western intervention every time their attacks met with resistance. By mid-1995, they wiped out the moderates, then launched a full assault against Serb towns in western Bosnia (backed by the Croatian Army). Further, the Croatian Serbs- part of the problem, for Joseph- were ethnically cleansed by the US-backed Croatian Army in 1995. Another thing is that there were very few Americans working for UNPROFOR then. And how many helicopter pilots know five languages? Hmm…"
Contradicting America’s covert interests was obviously not Joseph’s role. His job was rather to execute these interests- for example, in his role as a negotiator in the Brcko arbitrations. As Joseph himself admits, he helped decree that Brcko be removed from Serb control. Nebosja Malic again provides the context:
"Brcko was a key town in the Serb Republic, which connected its two parts and gave them continuity of territory. For Serbs, this was of literally vital importance. Most Bosnian Serbs remember the 12 babies who died in a Banja Luka hospital, because there was no way to get oxygen to them through the Muslim-Croat blockade."
Of course, Joseph makes no mention of aiding mujahedin fighters or abuses against Serbs. In fact, he has expressed violent opposition to what he considers "revisionist" history regarding Bosnia, and has denounced claims that Serbs were ethnically cleansed from the Krajina. For whatever reason, it is clear that he wants the US’ status quo on Bosnian history to remain.
Kosovo and the Serbs
In regards to Kosovo, Joseph is an apologist for NATO’s war (incidentally enough, one run by his colleague, ICG board member Wesley Clark). Indeed, he once stated that "removing Milosevic was the essential goal," which validated the entire Kosovo bombardment- and the resulting deaths and dislocation of the Serbian, Roma and Turk populations.
Since 1999, Joseph has served the director of Stenkovec I refugee camp, as regional administrator in Mitrovica, and now as ICG boss in Macedonia. He has praised an ICG-Pristina report which accused the Serbian government of fomenting ethnic tensions by aiding Serbs in Mitrovica. Of course, Albanian intimidation and reprisals were barely mentioned. Such black-and-white thinking, and the victimologies it breeds, is now apparent in Joseph’s stated view of the Macedonian situation.
August 2001: The ICG Rolls In
Soon after the implementation of the Framework Agreement last year, Joseph resurfaced- this time, in Skopje. He immediately began to seek out media exposure. Through the Guardian’s Nick Wood (who Joseph has claimed as a "good friend"), Joseph’s shrill call for NATO intervention was made. Within a short time he became known as the leading interventionist in Macedonia.
Joseph’s reign was made official (on 31 August 2001) in an ICG article called "Making a real peace in Macedonia." This editorial, which urged the government to accept long-term NATO intervention, also appeared in the New York Times. It provided a splendidly high-visibility start to a crucial mission, and a chance for Joseph to proliferate official US policy- as well as the "Slav" slur.
The partnership between Joseph and the IWPR’s Saso Ordanovski began almost immediately. On 4 September 2001, we find the former quoted by an employee of the latter in an article for IWPR. This relationship has continued ever since. As could be expected, Joseph’s interventionist input- that foreign police advisors must be sent in at once- was again perfectly harmonious with US/OSCE policy.
The Trebos Massacre: Drowning Out Dissent
This allegiance was again attested in the November 2001 Trebos disaster, when three Macedonian policemen were killed in a botched attempt to secure a mass grave site. Joseph was quoted in several decidedly anti-government articles. His recycled testimony for Reuters was picked up by the BBC and also carried by CNN on 12 November:
"the key question now is how the Macedonians will react to the police deaths and kidnappings and whether moderate voices will prevail, or those who are hellbent on another war."
This coordinated strategy in the Western media served both to attack the government, and to shout down dissenters. According to the Macedonian version of events, police had called in to US negotiator James Purdew and NATO beforehand, to announce the intended operation. Yet somehow, things went wrong. Dnevnik claimed that Purdew set up the ensuing slaughter. After promising the Macedonians logistical help, he hastily met with Albanian-friendly advisors- to deliberately sabotage the move:
"The American envoy made his final decision at this meeting: "No logistics will be sent. We'll leave [the Macedonians] alone, so they can learn their lesson." Purdew ordered his assistants to instantly inform those in the "crisis terrain" about the coming of the police, with an added suggestion to prepare a "welcome." The epilogue: a black day ending with three killed policemen, two wounded policemen, and about a hundred kidnapped civilians."
This story was also confirmed for war reporter Scott Taylor, by a Macedonian deputy director of intelligence (Diary of an Uncivil War, p. 178). It is no coincidence that Purdew’s strong admonition of Boskovski’s police maneuver was parroted in a media blitz, perhaps orchestrated by Edward Joseph. As in every other case, the opinion of his "independent think-tank" harmonized perfectly with that of the US government.
The ICG’s First Big Test: The Name Issue Disaster
By December 2001, Joseph had become confident enough to launch his big idea on the Macedonia "name issue." This fatally flawed proposal met with an ambivalent reception from the Macedonians, and severe caution from the Greeks. Yet Joseph’s media cronies in IWPR helped him rush to his own defense on 21 December:
"After Washington and some EU capitals expressed support for the idea, the ICG representative in Skopje, Edward Joseph, said the proposal should be acted on without delay. He said the solution was "a compromise for both parties" which was particularly urgent owing to the "dangerous internal security situation" in Macedonia."
A classic ICG tactic is to shout that "urgent" action need be taken- and now. Everyone knows that the name issue, while irritating, does not endanger the security of either Greece or Macedonia. The only thing that does is the frenzied yelping of conflict-hungry foreign interventionists.
Saso Ordanovski: Leftist Leanings and Intrigue
"Saso Ordanovski," says one media observer, "made his name for being a supposedly independent journalist. He fancies himself as some kind of intellectual, he also has enormous political ambitions- and enormous mutual hatred with VMRO, going back at least ten years."
After Macedonia’s independence, Ordanovski managed the country’s first "independent" media body, MILS (under the sponsorship of George Soros). This organization was to provide independent information and train journalists in Western-style reporting. He maintained close ties with the socialist SDSM government, and was appointed editorial director of Macedonian National Television (MTV) during SDSM rule. Supporters say that Ordanovski and his allies were politically "framed" by rivals; this might have something to do with his abrupt termination as MTV director.
The Macedonian Socialists were the remnants of the established Yugoslav "old guard," and the archrivals of the re-emerging nationalists (VMRO-DPMNE). It is no wonder that in IWPR’s upcoming, USAID-funded book on the Macedonian conflict, Ordanovski is slated to write a chapter on "the Macedonian right wing." Indeed, who would be more expert than a sworn enemy of that very same "right wing"? By employing individuals with active interests in Macedonian politics, IWPR strips itself of any pretense of objectivity.
Today, Ordanovski is editor of a glossy magazine (Forum), and well connected with a vast array of NGO’s and Macedonian media bodies. He is also the assistant chief of IWPR’s Macedonia project. Two of his Forum underlings also serve as regular IWPR contributors- and occasionally, for Reuters. Ordanovski and Joseph have used these resources as weapons to carry out their media campaign.
With these connections, and close ties to President Trajkovski’s cabinet, Ordanovski has made himself a powerful figure in the Macedonian media. Until September 15th, he is forced to content himself with making criticisms from the sidelines. Yet there is a lot at stake: should the government change, all sorts of new opportunities may open up. But if the government does not change, the results could be unpleasant.
VMRO-DPMNE has a well-known hatred of A1 TV, Macedonia’s most popular and allegedly independent television station. In another bout of wisdom, the party has actually boycotted it for the election campaign. This may be an ominous sign of things to come, according to one veteran Macedonian television journalist:
"if VMRO wins, it is quite likely that they will find a way to shut down A1, and probably within 6 months. Ordanovski has close ties with A1. Naturally, it’s in his interest to keep VMRO out of power."
Enabling the ICG: Feeling Uut the Corruption Issue
On 12 March 2002, Macedonia’s fourth international donor’s conference was held. The day before, Edward Joseph released a special report urging the EU to appoint a "corruption watchdog"- one that would be empowered to block international funding.
Joseph had arranged for heavy media coverage. Reuters published (on the 11th) a quite unusual ICG promotion- basically, a free advertisement. On the 12th, ICG world president Gareth Evans publicized Joseph’s report- in the Wall Street Journal Europe. Coincidentally enough, Ordanovski’s Forum magazine chipped in on 28 March with an article called "Strike against corruption!" A few days later, one of Ordanovski’s Forum writers praised the "hard-hitting report" in IWPR. On 27 May, Joseph arranged more self-publicity with a Reuters piece by Kole (son of Foreign Minister Slobodan) Casule. This kept the issue alive, and allowed Joseph to bluster that corruption "is a cancer that is debasing inter-ethnic, inter-governmental and even inter-personal relationships." He then made a not-too cryptic threat: to fight corruption, "…you have to start from the top… the fish stinks from the head."
In his major report of 14 August, Joseph cites these articles as "proof" that the world media has realized corruption is the issue in Macedonia. The farcical aspect of this crude appeal to the bandwagon, of course, is that Joseph is merely citing himself and his lackeys. There is no world media consensus- only that of Joseph and his cohorts. Indeed, who in the world cares about a peacetime Macedonia?
Election Rhetoric: Root Out Violence!
Another strategy has been to expose VMRO-associated violence. Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski has marketed himself as a much-needed enforcer in a lawless land. At political rallies, he pumps his arms in the air like a heavyweight champ. Yet his antics- like accidentally shooting a reporter in May- have left fertile ground for his many enemies. Boskovski’s controversial sponsorship of special forces (like the Lions) has long been used against him. Carla del Ponte has already come around to threaten Boskovski (and set Rambouillet-like terms), over Ljuboten. An inside source claims that the only duty Britain’s MI-6 has in Macedonia "is to stay on Boskovski’s back." In short, it is clear that many would be glad to see "Brother Ljube" go.
This aspect of the Joseph-Ordanovski parallel campaign came together in an IWPR piece of 18 July, when the latter capitalized on fatal fighting in Vinica to attack his political enemies. According to Ordanovski, special forces units "…under direct control of the governing party" (VMRO-DPMNE) will threaten the electoral process:
"With the election only two months away, the party is faring badly in public opinion polls and there are concerns that the special forces - made up of squads called the Tigers and the Lions - will be let loose to frighten voters and journalists and intimidate opposition politicians."
This opinion was given independent (ahem) validation by the notable Dr. Joseph:
"I am very concerned about the potential for violence and escalation during the elections in Macedonia," said Edward Joseph of the International Crisis Group. "It is very clear from some recent incidents that special forces are involved in creating incidents…"
Unsurprisingly, Ordanovski also quotes an SDSM deputy and personality from the "independent" A1 TV, which is itself mired in a vast corruption scandal.
"Independence" and Advocacy
In anticipation of the final ICG corruption report, Joseph and Co. renewed the anti-corruption campaign. For example, an interview with the Albanian magazine Lobi/Press Online, which disintegrated into shameless self-promotion: "I'm glad," said Joseph, "that the International Crisis Group has played a significant role, focusing primarily on the corruption issue."
In his official ICG report on corruption, Joseph refers to Lobi as an "independent" magazine. However, its affiliated website (Press Online) is partially funded by the US government (IREX and the NED). It is obvious that Lobi is just the needed "in" with the Albanian media. Through an ever-expanding web of circular references, the interventionists aim to build consensus and legitimacy.
Anti-government rhetoric heated up soon thereafter. On 9 August appeared a Reuters article (by Forum’s Ana Petruseva) about the recent arrest of 19 Kosovo Albanians. After reporting the event, the team launches into blatant political advocacy:
"(Prime Minister) Georgievski and hawkish interior minister Ljube Boskovski have predicted imminent danger from Kosovo before, which analysts see as an attempt to boost their nationalist VMRO-DPMNE party.
"With elections barely a month away, it is no surprise that they would resort to the same rhetoric," said Edward Joseph, senior analyst at the International Crisis Group think tank."
It is hard to imagine that the reference to "analysts" refers to anyone other Joseph, who is (in name, at least) a singular entity.
One day before, Petruseva’s boss (Ordanovski) had written a similar, yet even stronger piece for IWPR:
"Facing defeat in September's general elections, Macedonian Prime Minister Ljupco Georgievski appears to be playing up the renewed threat of ethnic Albanian extremism.
…the premier's fiery nationalistic rhetoric is largely seen as the first shots in a hotly contested election campaign in which things do not look good for his party. Indeed, a survey published on July 15 showed Georgievski's ruling VMRO-DPMNE behind the opposition SDSM by a 3-1 margin."
The interesting thing is that references to "opinion polls" (in at least three different articles) refer to only this one opinion poll- carried out on 15 July, by an American governmental agency. Media organizations funded by Empire, citing data funded by Empire, to advance the agenda of Empire; is there any room for doubt?
The Ahmeti Angle
Two months ago, several curious articles began appearing in major American media. The subject? Ali Ahmeti, militant mastermind turned peace-loving politician. Only in Macedonia can a man start a war one year and be ushered into political power the next. Not only did these reports support Ahmeti- with that, "golly gee, what a surprise" ethos- but they also sought to disparage Georgievski. Reuters (on 29 June) offered what was basically an apology for Ahmeti, saying how the reformed guerrilla had moved into the "political mainstream."
Edward Joseph has long cultivated a relationship with Ahmeti and his NLA commanders. A minor scandal erupted in the newspapers two months ago; apparently Joseph had invited Ahmeti’s spokesman (along with the SDSM brass) to his cocktail party. That the relationship is quite cozy was confirmed by Joseph himself, in an IWPR article of 29 May, written by IWPR director Agim Fetahu. After discussing the new dynamics of the Albanian parties, Fetahu writes:
"Ahmeti confirmed he had received offers from the two parties but made no promises. "Ahmeti doesn't want to reveal his hand," said Edward Joseph, Macedonia Project director at the International Crisis Group think-tank."
Here, Joseph appears to be gloating over his privileged insider knowledge. One gets the impression that he has become uncomfortably close to an individual who is, after all, on the US terrorist blacklist. Especially as it comes from a habitual mocker of Balkan intrigue, how can this statement not seem conspiratorial? The fact that Ahmeti and his cohorts are liberally (and positively) quoted in the 14 August corruption report is further evidence of a special relationship.
But What’s In It For Them?
By serving as Ahmeti’s enablers and disparaging VMRO-DPMNE, Empire’s servants Ordanovski and Joseph aim to bring in a (hopefully) more obedient SDSM/Ahmeti coalition government. Using imperial tactic of divide and conquer, Joseph has manipulated latent animosities between the Macedonian parties, to ensure they will never be united. He has successfully manipulated the personal enmities between Ordanovski’s allies and their enemies, to promote further inter-Macedonian division. And so the Macedonians fight each other to the death, even as Ali Ahmeti and his thugs- tolerated, groomed and now enabled by the West- march to power. In 1999, US and OSCE "monitors" overlooked widespread election fraud to ensure victory for VMRO’s Trajkovski’s. The same party is now being deposed by the US. There is no doubt about it: inter-Macedonian hatred is being incited from outside.
There are also personal motivations for Joseph and Ordanovski. For the latter, an SDSM return will mean a restoration of the "old boy" network that first brought him to prominence. With a friendly administration, and the ear of the president’s office, Ordanovski will no doubt win further media prestige- and perhaps realize his currently frustrated political aspirations. Not to mention that keeping VMRO out of power will keep the affiliated A1 Television operating.
The stakes are even higher for Edward Joseph, who has breezed unblemished through an increasingly influential international career. Yet it has hit a snag. The fact that Joseph returned to America for "Campaign 2000"- and then straight back to the Balkans- indicates that he is currently biding his time with a trusty international "think-tank," until remnants of Clinton 2 can return to power, and elevate him to a State Department position.
Indeed, doing time in "non-governmental" organizations is one of those respectable diversions that keeps aspiring statesmen in the public eye while they plot their next move. Yet unlike the slightly older Wesley Clark- who wound up with the ICG after falling victim to nasty Pentagon politicking- Joseph has not been put out to pasture. "It is clear that he is being groomed for bigger and better things," said one Western observer in Skopje. "This ICG stuff is just a stepping-stone to a diplomatic career for Ed- a frightening thought indeed."
With so much at stake, Joseph is naturally concerned that his biggest project- the ICG report on Macedonian governmental corruption- influence the powers-that-be. Yet instead, the report evidences that ICG’s entire Macedonia mission has degenerated into nothing more than one man’s personal crusade. As we will see in Part IV tomorrow, there are serious concerns- in regard to both the report’s method and its motive.
Previous articles by Christopher Deliso on Antiwar.com
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