As a CIA officer in Turkey in the 1980s, I once
had the misfortune of witnessing a man being tortured by the police. In those
days, Istanbul was home to a foreigners' prison, which has now been converted
into a luxury hotel. In the foreigners' prison anyone who was not a Turkish
citizen was automatically dumped for processing and eventual imprisonment or
deportation. The processing could take months, conditions were appalling, and
the prisoners were frequently beaten by guards to extort confessions or just
to pass the time. I was in the prison looking for an American citizen who had
reportedly been arrested in Istanbul while on a business trip. It was my job
as an officer in the U.S. embassy to try to get him properly charged with a
crime or released.
I was inside the prison when a man was dragged in by two policemen. He had
been picked up on the streets and was believed to be a dealer in soft drugs
including marijuana and hashish. As anyone who has seen the movie Midnight
Express will recall, Turkey is brutally tough on drug offenders. I stood
and watched, unable to intervene in any way as the beating began, something
that the prison warden assured me was routine in drug cases. The man, identified
by the warden as an Iranian, was chained to a wall. The chains were pulled up
tight so that he could not quite touch the floor with his feet. Two guards went
at the suspended man with rubber truncheons, first beating his feet and then
working their way up his body, ending up by crushing his fingers and smashing
one of his collar bones. The man screamed the whole time and begged for mercy,
apparently agreeing in his own language to confess to whatever his tormentors
wanted, but the guards took no notice. After what seemed an interminable time
but was probably not more than 20 minutes, the man, who was semiconscious and
sobbing uncontrollably, was doused with a bucket of water, released from his
shackles, and hauled away to sign his confession. I later learned that the American
citizen I had been seeking had been arrested at the airport for having in his
possession counterfeit travelers' checks. He had also been beaten up by his
jailers, though out of deference to his nationality he had not been subjected
to the same level of abuse as the Iranian man I had seen tortured.
The Iranian prisoner was probably a genuine drug dealer, and one might argue
that the torture was a useful tool that made him confess to something that he
had actually done. Torture does sometimes produce a desired result, which is
why it has been used extensively for thousands of years. But when beating a
suspect to extract information, one cannot discriminate between truth and lies.
One cannot determine whether the man was actually innocent and had only made
up a plausible story to stop the pain. Many intelligence and security services
around the world still use torture to obtain information and confessions. As
every intelligence officer who has had access to information believed to be
produced in that fashion knows, torture impels the victim of the punishment
to confess to anything and everything in an attempt to make the pain stop. The
information that comes from physical abuse is unreliable and frequently false.
In the latest controversy over the use of "enhanced interrogation techniques"
by the United States, President George W. Bush has rejected claims his administration
uses torture and has defended the methods allegedly being used by the CIA. Bush
was responding to the Oct. 3 New York Times report that the U.S. Justice
Department secretly authorized harsh interrogation techniques for terror suspects
in 2005 only months after a 2004 public statement in which the selfsame Justice
Department declared that torture would not be acceptable in interrogations of
terrorist suspects. On Oct. 5 Bush said, "This government does not
torture people. We stick to U.S. law and our international obligations." Bush's
comments are contradicted by the New York Times report, which states
that the interrogation techniques approved in the 2005 Justice Department memo
were some of the most brutal ever used by the CIA. They included head-slapping,
exposure to freezing temperatures, and simulated drowning, which has been referred
to as water-boarding. The 2005 legal opinion came shortly after Alberto Gonzales
took over the Justice Department, and it was followed up by a second memo issued
later that year that advised that none of the techniques employed by the CIA
would breach anti-torture legislation before Congress that barred "cruel, inhuman,
and degrading" treatment of prisoners.
Bush's defense of his administration's interrogation methods included the explanation
that the questioning is carried out by "highly-trained professionals."
He elaborated, "When we find somebody who may have information regarding an
attack on America, and you bet we're going to detain them, you bet we're going
to question them. The American people expect us to find out information, this
actionable intelligence, so we can help protect them. That's our job." The president
added that the techniques used had been "fully disclosed to appropriate members
of the United States Congress," but Democrats in both the Senate and House of
Representatives denied that they had been briefed and demanded to see the two
reported secret memos from 2005.
The Bush administration frequently points to the success of its employment
of extreme interrogation techniques. The White House claims that it has saved
lives and thwarted terrorist plots, though the assertions are never supported
by any compelling evidence. Some other sources in the government suggest the
opposite, that torture of terrorist suspects in U.S. custody has never produced
any significant information, much less intelligence that has saved American
lives.
In the one reported instance in which government sources concede that extreme
interrogation tactics were used, that of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, it is illuminating
to examine what exactly was obtained. Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, commonly referred
to as KSM, was arrested in 2003 in Pakistan. He was reportedly water-boarded
and "broken" by his CIA interrogators. He subsequently confessed to being involved
in virtually every terrorist act carried out in the past 20 years, including
9/11, the beheading of journalist Daniel Pearl, and the bombing of the destroyer
USS Cole. He clearly was not actually involved in many of the incidents,
but he was willing to admit to anything.
The issue of torture as a reliable interrogation tool aside, torture brutalizes
and degrades the individual carrying it out, the organization he or she represents,
and the government that approves of the practice. Even people who support many
of the excesses resulting from the so-called War on Terror frequently understand
that there are lines that should not be crossed, and torture is one of them.
There have been reports that the CIA has had difficulty in recruiting people
willing to carry out "extreme interrogation." That attorney general-designate
Michael Mukasey, who is almost certain to be confirmed by Congress, claims not
to know whether water-boarding amounts to torture or not is outrageous. That
the president of the United States has not been challenged by the public and
press when he explains that "we do not torture" – while he refuses to make public
secret memos contradicting his words – marks a sad day for those who revere
our liberties. Mukasey and Bush's evasions are symptomatic of the loss of any
moral compass in post-9/11 American politics.