In a new film, Looking
for Comedy in the Muslim World, comedian Albert Brooks is dispatched
to South Asia by humorless Bush administration officials to look for, well,
comedy in the Muslim world.
Trying to cope with the depressing reality of a post-Sept. 11 world in which
Americans now occupy some parts of an angry anti-American Muslim universe, the
gloomy bureaucrats in Washington hope a Jewish comic from Hollywood will help
them discover what makes Muslims laugh.
After all, laughter is a universal trait, and if we Westerners laugh, the Muslims
will probably laugh with us. And who knows? This could be a form of Preventive
Comedic Diplomacy: A laugh a day in Baghdad, Kabul, and Tehran could keep the
U.S. military away.
Unfortunately, Brooks' mission of making the Muslim world safe for comedy proves
to be a sad joke. As with most of his liberal Hollywood colleagues, Brooks believes
that all cultures can be brought together by shared commitment to universal
values. But these fellows in India and Pakistan just don't get his sarcastic
and self-deprecating sense of humor, not to mention the double entendres and
His Comedy Hour is a flop and he discovers to his chagrin that while Muslims
do laugh "like us," their concept of what is funny is not the kind that
might work for a stand-up comedian in New York, Melbourne or, for that matter,
a cartoonist in Copenhagen. It's not that the 12 cartoons of the prophet Muhammad
published in the small Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten were very funny;
they were quite tasteless and offensive. But you could say that about much of
the stuff that we find any day of the week in our Western media, including caricatures
that mock Jesus, bash Catholic priests, offend Jews, and insult racial minorities.
If you don't like what you see, feel free to send angry letters to the editor,
boycott and demonstrate against the offensive newspaper, and ask public figures
to condemn it. But in a society where freedom of expression is valued, you don't
threaten the life or use violence against those who disturb your political beliefs
or religious sensibilities. And that includes crude anti-fill-in-the-blank cartoonists.
That this kind of commitment to a free exchange of ideas and tolerance of dissent
that those of us who were raised and educated in the West seem to take for granted,
like the air we breathe, is not shared by many Muslims across the world, and
especially those residing in the Arab Middle East, has become quite evident
in a very dramatic way in recent days.
The violence perpetrated by the mobs in centers of Arab civilization, such
as Beirut, Damascus, and Cairo, is very disturbing and reflects an illiberal
political culture that is breeding religious intolerance and anti-modern attitudes.
And it is strengthening the power of radical Islamic groups, ranging from the
Arab-Sunni Muslim Brotherhood to the Shia Hezbollah.
What is even more disturbing is that some of this anti-Western frenzy has exploded
in places in the Arab Middle East – in the new Iraq and in Palestine – where
the Bush administration has been promoting its campaign to spread freedom and
where open elections were showcased by Washington as highlighting its Wilsonian
agenda of making the region safe for democracy.
Indeed, members of the radical political Islamist groups elected to power during
this U.S.-produced celebration of democracy – Iraq's Shia clerics and Palestine's
Hamas terrorist group – have, with rare exceptions, been serving as cheerleaders
for mobs attacking Americans and Europeans, including Danish troops maintaining
peace in Iraq and officers of the European Union in Gaza, which is the main
source of economic assistance for the Palestinians.
But the neoconservative intellectuals who have been the driving force behind
the pro-democracy campaign in the Middle East refuse to admit that, not unlike
Brooks's comedy spiel, their own democracy shtick has been a policy disaster.
In two strategic parts of the Middle East – the Persian Gulf and Israel/Palestine
– it has led to the victory of political parties whose values run contrary to
those of the U.S.
These groups, for instance, would reverse women's rights and give second-class
citizenship to non-Muslims. And their goals – in Iraq, an alliance with Iran,
and in Palestine, a refusal to recognize Israel – would harm U.S. strategic
interests and the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and hinder efforts to prevent
Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.
So much for the idea that free elections give birth to liberal, pro-Western
governments. As policy analyst Fareed Zakaria argues, elections that take place
in societies that lack the necessary institutional foundations – a functioning
civil society, free markets, independent press and judiciary, religious tolerance
– tend to produce an "illiberal democracy" that only exacerbates the problems
of divisions and dysfunction and bring to power nationalist and religious populists
who exploit their people's fears of the "other."
From that perspective, the U.S. push for democracy in the Middle East has been
a self-defeating strategy that has made the region safe for nationalism and
other radical forms of ethnic, religious, and tribal movements that regard the
U.S. and its allies in the region as the source of all evil. It's difficult
for American neoconservatives who fantasize about a global multicultural community
committed to liberal democratic values to admit that perhaps the Muslims are
not "like us" after all.
They laugh, but don't appreciate our sense of humor. They want to be free,
but don't share our concept of liberal democracy, a set of values and institutions
that can only develop through a long process of trial and error and in a hospitable
environment. Perhaps the time has come for Washington to adopt a more realistic
approach and stop looking for democracy in the Middle East while pursuing a
policy that secures the real interests of the Western democracies in the region.
After all, liberal democracy, like humor, is not an export commodity. And,
unlike humor, it's a very serious business.
© The Australian, reprinted with author's permission.