Ubi
solitudinem faciunt, pacem appelant.
("They
make a wilderness and call it peace," Tacitus: The Life of Gnaeus
Julius Agricola, Chapter 30)
In
his editorial, published on January 10, 2003 in the Belgrade daily Blic,
Simon Haselock, the director of UNMIK’s public information service,
openly criticized the view of His Eminence Bishop Artemije of Raska
and Prizren that "little has changed" in Kosovo and openly
accused the representatives of the Kosovo Serbs of unconstructive behavior.
In
his commentary, unfortunately, Mr. Haselock failed to present a single
convincing argument proving Bishop Artemije wrong. What is more, the
UNMIK information chief’s words only serve to confirm that his comprehension
of reality regrettably rests on highly subjective reports and analyses,
not on direct contact with flesh-and-blood representatives of the Serb
people whose everyday suffering and problems are well known to Bishop
Artemije as well as many well minded internationals.
CHANGES
FOR THE BETTER FOR ONLY ONE COMMUNITY
Truly,
in Kosovo and Metohija much has changed for the better in the last three
years but only for Albanian community. Under UNMIK’s rule, however,
changes are only slightly or not at all reflected in Serb areas where
the 100,000 remaining Serbs are hard pressed to see any essential improvements
since the end of the war. While it is true that many hospitals have
been restored, Serbs cannot seek treatment in them; numerous roads have
been paved but Serbs lack the freedom to travel on them; tens of thousands
of houses have been renovated but only about one hundred of them are
owned by Serbs. After the war, all mosques were repaired and many new
ones built while over one hundred Serbian churches still lie in ruins
and not one has been reconstructed; there are many new supermarkets,
gas stations and restaurants but what use are they to Serbs when only
Albanians and foreigners can safely enter them. In short, based on his
first-hand experience, the average Serb feels that UNMIK has come to
help only one community while Serbs appear fated to live as second-class
citizens on the margins of society. Are these indeed the "sterile
debates" to which Mr. Haselock refers or are they the reality,
which he cannot or does not wish to see?
Nevertheless,
the greatest failure of UNMIK is that in three years it has not managed
to stop the negative development of creating an ethnically pure and
divided society where citizens are divided into the privileged and those
who lack basic human rights. This atavistic system is being perpetrated
largely due to the fact that UNMIK is simply not ready to implement
the basic provisions of Resolution 1244. The overwhelming majority of
Kosovo Serbs still lack civil freedoms and rights, as well as free access
to public institutions in urban centers: hospitals, schools and cultural
institutions. The cities and towns of Kosovo and Metohija, except in
the north of the Province, have been left almost entirely without their
Serb population. In Pristina today there are only about 250 Serbs remaining;
an equal number are in Gnjilane; in Orahovac, there are about 450; in
Prizren, 65; in Djakovica, 5; in Pec there are none, with the exception
of some 20 elderly nuns in the Pec Patriarchate. Towns such as Urosevac,
Srbica, Glogovac and Klina have already become ethnically pure Albanian
settlements. All assessments suggest that these small Serb communities
in urban centers will quickly be extinguished unless the provisions
of Resolution 1244 are implemented.
Kosovo
institutions and settlements are decorated with flags of the Republic
of Albania and posters of Adem Jashari; monuments to new heroes from
"the war of national liberation" are springing up everywhere,
along with kitschy statues of Bill Clinton and Madeleine Albright. At
the same time, Serb cemeteries are being transformed into public garbage
dumps and the ruins of destroyed churches are overgrown with weeds.
Everywhere signs in the Serb language have been obliterated, and towns
are being given new fangled names which have never existed before in
history. History itself is being falsified with the goal of creating
a new artificial identity in order to destroy centuries of history and
cultural development. So exactly what kind of multiethnicity and free
society are we talking about here, Mr. Haselock?
UNMIK
AND ITS VIRTUAL REALITY
Of
course, from UNMIK’s comfortable and well-protected headquarters one
cannot see the Serb ghetto in Pristina’s "YU Program" building
nor the forgotten Serb villages near Obilic where every day brings uncertainty
and Serb children live in daily fear. From his virtual reality as a
well-paid international bureaucrat, Simon Haselock does not (want to)
see the hospitals, schools, movie theaters and restaurants which have
been inaccessible to Serbs for the past three years despite the presence
of UN and NATO forces. After all, how important can all this be when
the " truth" is only that which is disseminated from UNMIK’s
information service?
Following
this logic, Pec is a safe city for Serbs. That is why a few months ago,
international caretakers hurried to take a group of 50 elderly Serb
pensioners from the Osojane enclave to that city to claim their pensions.
Of course, they barely managed to get them out alive under a hail of
Molotov cocktails and stones from the local Albanians. "But how
can this be?" the international bureaucrats asked themselves. "According
to our assessments Pec is a safe city for Serbs; not a single Serb has
been killed there in the past two years." What they neglected to
take into account is that there are no more Serbs remaining in Pec since
the war. According to the same logic, the city is equally safe for Eskimos
and Chinese. Statistics and real life do differ considerably, don’t
they?
RETURNS
ONLY ON PAPER
The
second greatest failure of the UNMIK mission is the lack of returns
by the Serb population. Only a few hundred Serbs have been returned
to their homes, most of them elderly people whose names were first listed
and carefully filtered by local Albanian staff and KLA veterans. UNMIK’s
inflated figures of thousands of Serb returnees are inaccurate and refer
to returnees of other at-risk communities, primarily Roma. Frequently
even those who come to visit their relatives from Serbia are registered
as returnees, while those who leave Kosovo in the meantime are not.
Despite all efforts and programs, the returnee villages of Osojane and
Bica near Istok continue to live under siege, surrounded by KFOR protective
forces. Are 30,000 KFOR troops and several thousand UNMIK police really
unable to ensure the return of expelled persons to their homes? Obviously
they are not since this would not meet with the approval of Albanian
extremists, and UNMIK and KFOR have no intention of getting involved
in a conflict with them and endangering the safety of their own personnel.
This
is a witches’ brew where UNMIK is increasingly becoming the passive
sponsor of an ethnically cleansed society in the eyes of the Serbs;
the very kind of society (according to the official interpretation)
the international community sought to prevent by dropping tons of bombs
on Serbia in 1999 and killing thousands of innocent men, women and children.
Since
judge and prosecutor in Kosovo are one and the same, the blame for these
problems apparently falls again on Serbs such as Bishop Artemije, who,
it appears, stubbornly refuses to acknowledge what a good life his people
are living. Perhaps we should blame the last remaining Serb grannies
in Djakovica. According to a "lucid" interpretation of an
arrogant international bureaucrat, they are "provoking the Albanian
population by their isolation, consequently justifying their refusal
to accept them"? Thus five old ladies are provoking 100,000 Albanians
who on the other hand refuse to allow them to buy bread in the
store, let alone to live the last years of their lives in peace.
During
just the past year, Kosovo Serbs were exposed to hundreds of various
extremist attacks, and thousands of provocations and threats. Houses
were blown up, land mines exploded, people were killed and wounded.
The destruction of Orthodox Christian churches and Serbian cultural
monuments continues and their restoration is prohibited. Not one member
of the former KLA has been brought to justice for any of the crimes
committed against Serbs during the war. A few have been arrested but
only for crimes against their own Albanian compatriots. Despite all
this, UNMIK insists that Serbs accept this new reality and become integrated
in a society where there is no room for them. There is so much irony
and injustice in this claim by which UNMIK’s helplessly tries to hide
its own responsibility for failure.
SERBS
WITHOUT ECONOMIC PROSPECT
While
enormous financial resources have been invested to meet the needs of
the Kosovo Albanians, Serb villages and enclaves continue to live in
poverty and misery. People are without jobs; thousands of hectares of
Serb-owned land remain uncultivated due to lack of security. Grazing
one’s livestock in a meadow represents a serious safety risk, let alone
contemplating the sale of farm products at the local farmers’ market.
Daily pressure continues on the remaining Serbs to sell their property,
especially in cities and towns where the Albanians have illegally occupied
thousands of Serb-owned private houses, apartments and businesses. They
make free use of this usurped property without any compensation to the
owners under UNMIK’s very eyes and sometimes with its tacit approval.
At
the same time, thousands of hectares of state-owned land and forests
have been devastated by looting and illegal lumbering. Every appeal
to the court is condemned to fail from the start because the justice
system in the Province is a tragic parody of law and (dis)order. Due
to a lack of witnesses, who are under enormous fear from Albanian extremists,
not one major incident against the Serbs has been positively resolved.
At the same time, dozens of Serbs are wasting away in the interrogative
jails of UNMIK, completely against all existing laws, because the courts
lack evidence to sentence them as war criminals.
Restitution
of property is a near impossibility; in the few cases where, by some
miracle, a Serb manages to get back his confiscated house, he is immediately
forced to sell it because it is not safe for him to return with his
family to live in it. UNMIK has an explanation for this, too. Recently
the deputy civil administrator for Pristina stated nonchalantly that
the Serbs in fact "do not want to return to their homes at all
despite UNMIK’s invitation to do so". How are they supposed to
return to constant danger, uncertainty, injustice and poverty? What
kind of success do we have here, Mr. Haselock, and what kind of justice
and progress?
INSTITUTIONS
A SMOKE-SCREEN FOR FALSE MULTIETHNICITY
However,
the greatest misconception in Kosovo and Metohija is that the constitutional
framework, supposedly free elections and institution-building will enable
the Serbs to improve their position by working through the institutions
of the system. For a year representatives of the Serb Return (Povratak)
Coalition participated in the work of the Kosovo parliament without
achieving a single tangible result.
Is
Kosovo any closer to being a multiethnic society? Have better conditions
been created for the return of expelled persons, the goal from which
the Coalition took its name? Is Resolution 1244 being more effectively
implemented? The answer to all three questions is no.
Incidents
continue to occur and Kosovo does not even remotely resemble a multiethnic
society; instead, it has become a classic model of institutionalized
apartheid and intolerance. Only a few hundred out of about 200,000 expelled
persons have a roof over their head in their isolated enclaves. And
as far as Resolution 1244 is concerned, it has never been more trampled
on and disregarded. Kosovo Albanians are using institutions that Serbs
have joined to prove that Kosovo is indeed "multiethnic" and
that it should become independent. Occasionally their leaders, accompanied
by UNMIK officials, take a stroll through a Serb enclave, snap a few
photographs and immediately run to Washington to show pictures that
supposedly prove their concern for "the Serb minority". In
fact, hiding behind this false façade of the UN mission and the
new Kosovo institutions is a tragic reality of unbridled violence, organized
crime, corruption and bureaucratic chaos. The UNMIK mission has not
only tarnished the moral reputation of the international community in
the Balkans but is now consciously feigning blindness to the destruction
of an entire people and its culture for no other reason but to rationalize
its own failure.
FALSIFICATION
OF REALITY
Despite
all difficulties and problems which they endure from the local Albanians,
what pains the Kosovo Serbs the most is the unscrupulous propaganda
conducted by UNMIK which rudely falsifies the real situation in Kosovo
and Metohija. The goal of this campaign is to rationalize the tremendous
failures of this mission, whose purported "successes" are
coming under increased fire in New York and Brussels.
The
current unofficial primary goal of the mission appears to be to finally
implement an effective exit strategy to include transferring all authority
to the local authorities, i.e., institutions overwhelmingly dominated
by the Albanian majority, prior to the withdrawal of the international
community from the Province and the pronouncement of the successful
conclusion of the mission. As the logical consequence of this strategy,
local Albanians and some international circles are expecting recognition
of an independent Kosovo, i.e., a second ethnic Albanian state in the
Balkans, which will supposedly guarantee Serbs all rights "according
to the highest European standards". Taking into account that areas
inhabited by Albanians are the most ethnically clean territories in
the Balkans, it is difficult to expect an exception to the rule in an
independent Kosovo where ethnic and religious tolerance are out of the
question. Such a creation would be in fundamental contradiction with
everything that contemporary Europe represents and wishes to achieve
today.
It
is not necessary to comment on the economic sustainability of a society
largely based on smuggling and illegal activities. Without friendship
with their closest neighbors, Serbs and the Macedonians, the Kosovo
Albanians can depend only on poverty-stricken Albania, which has enough
problems of its own.
It
is very important to emphasize that the active presence of Serb deputies
in provincial institutions is seen as a key element for a successful
exit strategy and the ultimate secession of the Province from the union
of Serbia and Montenegro because this would be the strongest argument
before the world that the Serbs have a real capability to independently,
freely and effectively shape their future through the multiethnic institutions
of a future independent state. Of course, these Serb deputies, who commute
to parliamentary sessions in armored police vans and who do not dare
to step outside the building for a simple coffee break, are themselves
beginning to understand what and whom they are in fact serving. This
is why further participation in such institutions, under extremely discriminatory
and humiliating conditions is not possible any longer. Without essential
changes in the institutional system, which must be brought to compliance
with the UNSC Resolution 1244, Serb participation in the Parliament
will only make additional damage to the position of the Serb people
and help Kosovo Albanians create their independent state.
Despite
everything above, the Serb people still live in the hope that UNMIK
will finally abandon the policy of double standards and begin building
a truly free and multiethnic society in accordance with Resolution 1244
and international law. In the institutions of such a society, where
all citizens regardless of religion and ethnicity will have a right
to a dignified and free life, the Serb people will be quite ready to
participate with all other citizens and to offer their constructive
contribution. However, if UNMIK intends to continue building a new ethnic
Albanian state in which Serbs would continue to live as second-class
citizens or disappear completely, it is illusory on the part of the
international community to expect Serb cooperation and support for such
a project.
Instead
of the determined efforts of Mr. Haselock and his colleagues to whitewash
reality and to deceive the unwitting international community, it is
time to turn words into deeds. Empty words without concrete improvements
on the ground cannot convince anyone of that which not even UNMIK officials
believe any longer.
Note:
* Potemkin, Grigori Aleksandrovich
Potemkin,
Grigori Aleksandrovich , 1739–91, Russian field marshal and favorite
of Empress Catherine II. As governor of the new province, he organized
Catherine’s fabulous Crimean tour of 1787. Potemkin is perhaps best
remembered for the legendary "Potemkin Villages" he is said
to have created for her benefit as she embarked on a grand tour of all
the newly Russianized lands he had conquered for her. These "villages,"
it was said, were little more than elaborate stage sets of prosperous
towns, populated by cheerful serfs, all of which were quickly collapsed
and set up again at the next stop on Catherine’s carefully plotted itinerary.
The artificiality of the Potemkin Villages came to represent in the
minds of many, Catherine’s superficial and halfhearted attempts to reform
and liberalize her kingdom.
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