This week marked the fourth anniversary of the
fall of Saddam Hussein and the liberation of Iraq. On Monday, tens of thousands
of Iraqis turned out to celebrate – which, according
to one U.S. official, was proof that "Iraq, four years on, is now a
place where people can freely gather and express their opinions." A U.S.
military spokesperson proclaimed that Iraqis "could not have done this
four years ago."
That's the good news. The bad news is the Iraqis were also protesting
the continued U.S. military occupation of their country. Crowds chanted,
"No, no to America. Yes, yes to freedom," and "Occupiers should
leave Iraq." According to one Shi'ite, "We do not want their liberation
and their [U.S. military] presence. We tell them to get out of our land."
A Shi'ite politician described the protests as a "call for liberation."
And a Sunni politician claimed,
"This demonstration is a friendly message to unite Iraqis on one common
issue, and that is end of occupation." So while thankful to be free of
Saddam's brutal tyranny, Iraqis were also saying what they've been saying with
increasing volume for the last four years: Yankee, go home.
Shortly after the fall of Baghdad, one Iraqi said, "We thank the Americans
for getting rid of Saddam's regime, but now Iraq must be run by Iraqis."
The United States should have listened, because subsequent polls have consistently
supported such sentiment:
A USA
Today/Gallup
poll in April 2004 showed that 71 percent of Iraqis viewed U.S. forces
"mostly as occupiers" and 57 percent wanted those forces to "leave
immediately."
A Coalition
Provisional Authority (CPA) poll conducted a month later showed that
82 percent of Iraqis disapproved of the U.S. military presence – and that
was before the Abu Ghraib prison scandal came to light.
Not surprisingly, the first
poll following the Abu Ghraib revelations showed that 92 percent of
Iraqis viewed Coalition forces as occupiers, not liberators or peacekeepers.
A secret British
Ministry of Defense poll in October 2005 (obtained and made public by the
Sunday Telegraph) found that 82 percent of Iraqis were "strongly
opposed" to the presence of Coalition troops and 45 percent felt attacks
on foreign military forces were justified.
A November
2005 poll [.pdf] of Iraqis conducted by the Oxford Research Institute
for a consortium of media outlets, including BBC and ABC News, found that
65 percent opposed "the presence of coalition forces in Iraq."
According to a confidential State
Department report obtained by the Washington Post in September
2006, 65 percent of Iraqis in Baghdad wanted Coalition military forces to
withdraw immediately.
A poll
conducted in February and March 2007 [.pdf] by D3 Systems for the BBC, ABC
News, ARD German TV, and USA Today showed that the percentage of Iraqis
who opposed the presence of Coalition forces in their country increased from
51 percent in 2005 to 65 percent in 2006 to 78 percent in 2007.
And the United States has been presented with ample opportunities to declare
victory and go home:
On the flight deck of the USS Abraham Lincoln in May 2003, standing
beneath a "Mission Accomplished" banner, President Bush confidently
declared
that "major combat operations in Iraq have ended."
In December 2003, Ambassador Paul Bremer – U.S. head of the CPA – exclaimed,
"We got him!" to announce the capture of Saddam Hussein.
A permanent 275-member Iraqi National Assembly was elected in December
2005, initiating the formation of a new government and, in theory, a sovereign
Iraq.
The leader of al-Qaeda in Iraq, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, was killed in June 2006.
Saddam Hussein was executed at the end of December 2006.
But instead of taking the opportunity to leave, the United States continues
to linger in Iraq – with the Bush administration recently increasing troop levels
by more than 20,000 soldiers. But a "surge" is not the answer. A larger
force and a longer U.S. military presence reinforces widespread fears of an
"infidel" war against Islam, which creates greater incentives for
more Iraqis to join the ranks of the insurgency and more Muslims around the
world to side with the radicals.
Indeed, Shi'ite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr is using the U.S. military occupation
as a rallying cry. In a recently issued statement, Sadr
said, "You – the Iraqi army and police forces – don't walk alongside
the occupiers, because they are your archenemy" and "God has ordered
you to be patient in front of your enemy, and to unify your efforts against
them – not against the sons of Iraq." Incredibly, Connecticut Sen. Joseph
Lieberman (now considered an Independent, but previously one of the Democrats
leading the headlong rush to war against Iraq) claims that Sadr is "acknowledging
that the surge is working" because he is arguing against sectarian
violence. Clearly, Lieberman has taken logic lessons from the Bush administration,
which has at various times described increased violence in Iraq as an indication
of progress.
But Sadr and the insurgency (which, according
to Vice President Cheney, was in its last throes in May 2005) are not threats
to U.S. security. The only reason for maintaining a U.S. military presence in
Iraq would be if that country were a safe haven for al-Qaeda, which it was not
under Saddam Hussein's rule and is not now. Since there was no need to invade
Iraq in the first place, it is long past time to acknowledge that it is in the
United States' strategic interests to exit Iraq. Yet, according
to President Bush, if the U.S. withdraws from Iraq,
"The enemy that had done us harm would be embolden[ed]. They would
have seen the mighty United States of America retreat before the job was done,
which would enable them to better recruit. They have made it clear – they, being
people like Osama bin Laden or Zawahiri – have made it clear they want to drive
us from Iraq to establish safe haven in order to launch further attacks. In
my judgment, defeat – leaving before the job was done, which I would call defeat
– would make this United States of America at risk to further attack."
What the president has never understood is that invading Iraq to rid the world
of a phantom menace is what has emboldened the enemy who did us harm on 9/11.
The unnecessary U.S. military presence in Iraq has enabled them to better recruit
– and spawned a reverse franchise effect resulting in the Madrid and London
terrorist bombings. And the longer we stay in Iraq, the more we risk the threat
of terrorism on U.S. soil by giving Muslims around the world more reasons to
hate America. It is paradoxical, but leaving Iraq is actually a prerequisite
to, if not victory, at least avoiding defeat.
But what about the president's claim that Iraq will become a safe haven for
al-Qaeda if the U.S. withdraws? Unlike the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, it
seems highly unlikely that Iraqis would welcome bin Laden and company with open
arms. According to a September
2006 poll, 94 percent of Iraqis have an unfavorable view of al-Qaeda. As
one would expect, nearly 100 percent of Iraq's Shi'ite Arabs and Sunni Kurds
have an unfavorable view of the Sunni Arab radical movement. But the vast majority
of Sunni Arabs in Iraq – nearly 80 percent – also have an unfavorable view of
al-Qaeda. Obviously, President Bush is true to his word that he doesn't "pay
attention to polls."