Midway through this month, the Karl Rove scandal
was dominating the national news until the sudden announcement of a Supreme
Court nominee interrupted the accelerating momentum of the Rove story. Since
then, some anti-Bush groups and progressive pundits have complained that the
White House manipulated the media agenda. But when it comes to deploying weapons
of mass distraction, the worst is yet to come.
Changing the subject is a key aspect of political damage control.
Media spin is often most effective when it displaces one storyline
with another.
No one is in a better position to shift the country's media focus
than the president. And no technique has been more successful than
military action.
Just two days after a truck bomb killed 241 Americans at a Marine
headquarters in Beirut, the U.S. invasion of Grenada quickly pushed
the Lebanon disaster out of the media spotlight. On the day of the
invasion (Oct. 25, 1983), President Reagan told reporters that the
factor "of overriding importance" was the need to protect "innocent
lives, including up to a thousand Americans, whose personal safety
is, of course, my paramount concern."
That pretext for the invasion was bogus; the U.S. citizens in Grenada
had not been in danger and they didn't want to be "rescued." Yet the
invasion of Grenada was a big hit in the United States, and opinion
polls showed a net gain of several points for Reagan's favorable
numbers. On the front pages and TV networks, he had changed the
military subject from disaster in Lebanon to triumph in Grenada.
Instead of critically examining the assumptions and effects of militarism,
the news media celebrated it. Within 48 hours, the president had accomplished
a remarkable public-relations feat all the more notable because he directly
transformed the public view of his role as commander-in-chief.
Fast forward two decades: The summer of 2002 began with Republicans
on Capitol Hill in a near-panic. Congressional elections were just a
few months off, and the front pages were filled with stories about
economic distress. Widespread unemployment, fear of layoffs and
spiking health-care costs had created a political atmosphere that
threatened the Republican Party's control over both houses of
Congress. But then war drums started beating very loud.
It wasn't necessary for the president to "wag the dog" by starting
a war before the November 2002 election. Wagging the puppy would suffice. The
summer was filled with a rising chorus of alarms sounded by the Bush
administration and echoed by many reporters, pundits, think-tank allies, and
other spinners. By the time the first leaves fell that autumn, the economy was
off the front pages, replaced by a huge focus on the possibility of invading
Iraq.
The current Rove scandal could hoist the Bush administration on its
own "national security" petard. Certainly, if the key political
strategist for a Democrat in the White House had leaked the name of
an undercover CIA operative, the Republicans would be howling. But
anti-Bush media forces lack the kind of massive echo chamber that the
right wing enjoys. And the Bush regime can rely on more than the
usual White House prerogative to launch some kind of military attack
at an opportune moment.
In political terms, 9/11 is a gift that keeps on giving to George W.
Bush. It's a golden goose that the right wing is determined to keep
feeding.
The previous few presidents could rely on intermittent warfare to
rally their domestic forces around the flag. But today, the "war on
terror" provides the president with a nonstop set of options for
drawing attention away from scandalous stories that could undermine
his administration.
The Bush team has made good on a promise from Donald Rumsfeld, two weeks after
9/11, that "this will be a war like none other our nation has faced."
In an op-ed article that appeared in the New York Times on Sept. 27,
2001, Rumsfeld
declared: "Forget about 'exit strategies'; we're looking at a sustained
engagement that carries no deadlines."
This "sustained engagement" the supposed "war on terrorism"
has become the ultimate propaganda weapon and open-ended cashier's check
for an administration that will do whatever it can to retain power. Already,
vast amounts of taxpayer money have been squandered and countless lives have
been destroyed. Sooner rather than later, we must void this blank check.
This article is adapted from Norman Solomon's new book War
Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death. Book
excerpts are posted at: www.WarMadeEasy.com