The drumbeat for war with Iran is getting
louder. Determined to ensure their success, by hook or by crook,
the neoconservatives inside the administration, and their supporters
in Israel, have launched a three-front campaign to provoke a
confrontation with Tehran.
1. The Blackmail Option: Israeli Prime Minister Ehud
Olmert held a secret
meeting recently at his home. Present were top cabinet officials
and someone who has plenty of experience of the sort that interests
the Israelis at the present moment: Aviam Sela, who headed up Operation
Opera, the 1981 air strike against Iraq's Osirak nuclear
facility. It was a bold and decisive blow against Israel's mortal
enemy, which set the Iraqis back (though it drove
them to create an underground program that actually was for the
purpose of developing nuclear weapons by the time of the first Gulf
War 10 years later). What Olmert wanted to know was whether it could
be repeated in the case of Iran.
Yet no one should assume that Israel intends to act alone. An
Israeli strike against Iran would be but a prelude to a much wider
conflict, one that would invariably
draw in Israel's one and only ally us.
That's why the Israeli propaganda campaign directed at Iran has
taken place on American terrain, aimed squarely at American public
opinion and American lawmakers. Speaking at a recent AIPAC
conference in Washington, Olmert declared:
"Israel will not tolerate the possibility of a nuclear Iran,
and neither should any other country in the free world. The Iranian
threat must be stopped by all possible means. International economic
and political sanctions on Iran, as crucial as they may be, are only
an initial step, and must be dramatically increased.
The
international community has a duty and responsibility to clarify to
Iran, through drastic measures, that the repercussions of their
continued pursuit of nuclear weapons will be devastating."
There is no doubt in anyone's mind what "drastic" means, and this
was underscored by his deputy prime minister, Shaul Mofaz, who
recently averred that an attack on Iran is "unavoidable."
The Israelis, as is well-known,
cannot take out the widely
dispersed Iranian target sites all by themselves. They need U.S.
cruise missiles fired from our ships in the Persian Gulf to take out
the entirety of Iran's nuclear assets. The whole point of this
stratagem would be to embroil the U.S. in a conflict that would soon
take on regional dimensions.
2. The Blockade Option: The Israel lobby is hard at work
getting support for a congressional
resolution that mandates a naval
blockade of Iran. This is now AIPAC's top priority in
Washington, and members of Congress from both sides of the aisle
have already signed on. The Senate version has attracted 32
cosponsors, while the House version has 220
cosponsors.
The resolution itself is typical AIPAC agitprop: at one point, it
says that "the 2007 National Intelligence Estimate reports that the
Government of Iran was secretly working on the design and
manufacture of a nuclear warhead until at least 2003 and that Iran
could have enough highly enriched uranium for a nuclear weapon as
early as late 2009" deftly snipping off the conclusion of the NIE
that "We
judge with high confidence that in fall 2003, Tehran halted its
nuclear weapons program" and substituting the Israeli assessment
that Iran will go nuclear by 2009, which the National Intelligence
Council concluded was "very unlikely."
The resolution,
while containing boilerplate language to the effect that "nothing in
this resolution will be construed as authorizing military action,"
goes on to demand "that the president lead an international effort
to immediately and dramatically increase the pressure on the
Government of Iran to verifiably suspend its nuclear enrichment
activities by, among other measures, banning the importation of
refined petroleum products to Iran."
It is typical Orwellian
Newspeak: no military action is "authorized," yet what else
would a blockade involve but the use of American military assets to
enforce it? This means war
and don't think for a moment that the
Israel lobby hasn't got the power to push this war resolution
through Congress.
3. The Infiltration Option: Congress has already approved
$400 million to destabilize the Iranian regime, the first phase of
the administration's war moves against Tehran, and U.S. special-ops
teams have been busy. The number of violent incidents inside Iran
has recently
skyrocketed,
and there is little doubt that the U.S. is funding and otherwise
assisting terrorist activities within that country. As Seymour Hersh
reports:
"The scale and the scope of the operations in Iran, which
involve the Central Intelligence Agency and the Joint Special
Operations Command (JSOC), have now been significantly expanded,
according to the current and former officials."
The idea of the infiltration option is to coordinate with various
minority ethnic groups, such as the Ahwazis and the Baluchis Sunni
fundamentalists of the al-Qaeda stripe
who despise the Iranian Shi'ites as heretics as well as the
idiosyncratic Marxist cultists of the Mujahideen-e-Khalq
(MEK). The goal is not just to gather intelligence, but also to
provoke the regime into initiating a violent reaction. This would
increase the likelihood of direct U.S. involvement, as the fighting
spills over Iran's borders into Iraq and/or Pakistan.
All three options, working in tandem over the next few months,
will be more than enough to provoke the Iranians into some sort of
response, which can then be used as a pretext for
the Americans to attack.
As in the run-up to the invasion of Iraq, there is considerable
opposition gathering within U.S. military and diplomatic circles.
Hersh reports on a meeting between Defense Secretary Robert Gates
and the Democratic caucus in the Senate, during which
"Gates warned of the consequences if the Bush administration
staged a preemptive strike on Iran, saying, as the senator recalled,
'We'll create generations of jihadists, and our grandchildren will
be battling our enemies here in America.' Gates's comments stunned
the Democrats at the lunch, and another senator asked whether Gates
was speaking for Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney. Gates's
answer, the senator told me, was 'Let's just say that I'm here
speaking for myself.'"
The realists in the administration foremost among them, the top
military brass know what a disaster war with Iran would soon
turn into. It would be an act of self-immolation unprecedented since
Nero
fiddled while Rome burned. Yet the power of the Israel lobby is
formidable,
the realists have little political clout, and there isn't much time
to stop the momentum for war.
As craven as
Barack Obama's recent performance before AIPAC was, the Lobby knows
that, as president, he'll be unlikely to launch what would amount to
World
War III. Shmuel Bar, a former top intelligence officer and
Israeli government official who now works as an analyst, recently
spoke to the British Guardian:
"What is clear is that the push inside the Israeli
establishment for a strike is not being driven by the timetable of
Iran's mastery of the technical aspects alone, but by geopolitical
considerations. That point was reinforced by Bar last week when he
identified a window of opportunity for a strike on Iran ahead of
the November presidential election in the United States which could
see Barack Obama take power, and possibly engage with Syria and
Iran. An Obama presidency would close that window for Israel, says
Bar."
The window of opportunity for the neocons to launch an attack
will stay
open only as long as this president is in the White House, and
the Israelis know it. That's why their propaganda campaign has
recently been ratcheted up to new
heights of hysteria, and why they're pulling in all their chits
in Congress.
The clock is ticking, and the Lobby is moving fast. Will can
the antiwar movement move with equal speed?
What is needed, first of all, is a decisive defeat for the Lobby
on the issue of Senate
Resolution 580 (in the House, Congressional
Resolution 362). A new war in the Middle East or anywhere else
is the last
thing the majority of Americans want, yet a fanatical and
well-positioned minority will prevail if we don't act now. Call
your congressional representative today and tell them,
politely and calmly, that you are urging a "No!" vote on these
concurrent resolutions.
There seems little doubt who and what is motivating this new push
for war. Even as "moderate" a commentator as Joe Klein knows that
the Lobby is up to its old tricks again, and he is being pilloried
for telling the truth. In his Time column, Klein wrote:
"The notion that we could just waltz in and inject democracy
into an extremely complicated, devout and ancient culture smacked
still smacks of neocolonialist legerdemain. The fact that a great
many Jewish neoconservatives people like Joe Lieberman and the
crowd over at Commentary plumped for this war, and now for
an even more foolish assault on Iran, raised the question of divided
loyalties: using U.S. military power, U.S. lives and money, to make
the world safe for Israel."
As I have pointed
out in this space many times, the great
majority of American Jews oppose this administration's crazed
foreign policy, and there would be no antiwar movement of any
consequence without their active support. Yet it cannot be denied
as I wrote
before a single shot had been fired that the Iraq war was
launched, as Klein notes, to make the Middle East safer for
Israel, just as the current push for "regime change" in Iran is
energized by the same
motive.
This is what it means to be an empire: foreign lobbyists and
satraps gather 'round the imperial throne, scheming and plotting to
gain the emperor's favor and the privilege of using his praetorians
as an instrument to advance their own ends. If it
wasn't the Israelis, it would be someone else perhaps the Brits,
as in the two previous world
wars. In
any case, until and unless we make real changes in our foreign
policy fundamental changes we'll never get out of this box, and
war clouds will loom large on our horizon well into the foreseeable
future.
In the meantime, however, we have to make a start, and that means
defeating Senate Resolution 580 and House Resolution 362, in what
would be a rare setback for the Lobby. Go for
it!
NOTES IN THE MARGIN
I'm sitting
here looking at the just-published reprint of my 1993 book,
Reclaiming the American Right: The Lost Legacy of the
Conservative Movement, and it sure is handsome! It has a great
painting
by Jasper Johns on the cover, and a new introduction by Professor
George W. Carey of Georgetown University. Here's what Ron Paul had
to say about it:
"When I was deciding whether or not to run for president as a
Republican, I re-read Justin Raimondo's Reclaiming the American
Right, and it gave me hope that the
anti-interventionist, pro-liberty Old Right, which had once
dominated the party, could and would rise again. Here is living
history: the story of an intellectual and political tradition that
my campaign invoked and reawakened. This prescient book, written in
1993, could not be more relevant today."
What more do you need to know? Order
your copy today.
~ Justin Raimondo