If George W. Bush's "freedom agenda"
is to be his presidential legacy, then his six-year "global war on terror"
has been his own worst enemy.
As lawyers in Pakistan are being beaten and arrested by authorities for protesting
against the imposition of de facto martial law, Bush has opted to set aside
his campaign for democratic reforms in favor of combating terrorism an
effort with questionable results.
Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf effectively placed himself at the head
of a military dictatorship on Saturday when he suspended the constitution, disbanded
the Supreme Court and declared a state of emergency throughout the country.
Musharraf made the announcement ahead of what was expected to be an unfavorable
decision from the high court invalidating his latest election victory because
he campaigned in his dual role as president and as head of Pakistan's armed
Protests and anger have continued throughout the week in the South Asian country
of 164 million, with the legal establishment especially reeling from the repression.
The US had strong words for Musharraf, calling on him to restore the constitution,
but two members of the Bush cabinet signaled that Washington was unlikely to
withhold any of the substantial military aid given to Pakistan a figure reported
at 10 billion dollars.
"We have to be very cognizant of the fact that some of the assistance
that has been going to Pakistan is directly related to the counterterrorism
mission," said Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice during her trip to the
Middle East this weekend. "I would be very surprised if anyone wants the
president to ignore or set aside our concerns about terrorism and protecting
the American people."
"We are reviewing all of our assistance programs," echoed Secretary
of Defense Robert Gates in China on Monday, "although we are mindful not
to do anything that would undermine ongoing counterterrorism efforts."
The strong reservations of the administration to take decisive steps to punish
Musharraf and help end the crisis is Pakistan stand in stark contrast to its
declared foreign policy principles the so-called freedom agenda.
Initially used as a secondary justification for the invasion of Iraq after
the since-debunked imminent threat of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction the
worldwide promotion of democracy and freedoms pushed by the administration has
become ever present in Bush's rhetoric as the best way to quell violent radicalism.
"We will encourage reform in other governments by making clear that success
in our relations will require the decent treatment of their own people,"
Bush said in his 2004 inauguration address. Speaking directly to the downtrodden,
he said, "All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: The United
States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors."
But measured by its inaction in Pakistan, critics say that ignoring the oppression
and excusing the oppressor is exactly what the administration is doing
and doing so in defense of the selfsame fight against radical terrorism that
the "freedom agenda" is supposed to address.
"We have backed away from the push for democratic reform because people
argue that the push for democratic reform encourages radical Islamists,"
said Georgetown government professor Daniel Brumberg. "The elections in
Palestine and the events in Iraq have undermined the freedom agenda."
The continued support of regimes with despotic tendencies despite contradictions
with a platform of broad democratic reform is nothing new for the Bush administration.
In announcing a 20-billion-dollar arms agreement package to Saudi Arabia and
five other Gulf states in July, Rice said, "We are working with these states
to fight back extremism and to give a chance to the forces of moderation and
However, in a meeting on reform in the region last week, Stephen McInerney
of the Project on Middle East Democracy called the area "the highest concentration
of authoritarian monarchies in the world."
While the details of the deal have not been publicly released, McInerney expressed
doubt that any benchmarks for reform would be included. "Most of the opposition
to the deal is about Gulf states' support for terrorism, and not about democratic
reform," he told IPS.
"The rulers of the Gulf states are not benign rulers. They are absolute
dictators," said Ali Alyami of the Center for Democracy and Human Rights
in Saudi Arabia. "Without international pressure, these rulers have no
reason to reform."
President Bush has called the US relationship with Saudi Arabia a "personal
friendship", citing the close ally's support for the war on terror.
But the Saudi failure to prosecute any of the terrorism financiers named by
the State Department and a lack of evidence that conventional military might
can subdue terrorism is indicative of the most troubling problem with the shift
The strategy of simultaneously pushing the "freedom agenda" and the
"war on terror" fails because the latter also has massive shortcomings
in dealing with the threat of radical Islam.
"The war on terror has not helped because when you have massive military
operations which are totally indiscriminate you tend to victimize entire populations,"
said Frederic Grare, a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace. This can force people into choosing the protection that local Islamists
Pakistan had presented a unique opportunity in this respect because the country
has a viable democratic-minded center that could have brought Muslim parties
into mainstream politics.
"Don't confuse the institutional religious parties who do have
an ideology that we don't really share and the militants," said
Grare. "Links may exist, but you can still establish a clear distinction.
Eventually, one may be the best defense against the other."
That democratic center in Pakistan, however, was ignored by the Bush administration
in favor of Musharraf because military might was needed to fight armed extremists.
"The basic objective is the war on terror, so they need strong relations
with the army and everything else is contingent," said Grare. "Support
for democracy was pretty far down the list. There is no abandonment, it's just
never been there."
"One consequence of this crisis is that Bush's 'freedom agenda' is finally
bankrupt," said Fred Kaplan in his Slate.com column. "He will never
again be able to invoke it, even as a rhetorical ploy, without evoking winces
(Inter Press Service)