But the world desperately needs an "E" for EXIT
from the march of folly toward a wider Middle East war that is increasingly
likely to result from plural U.S. foreign policy fiascos in Iraq, Israel,
and Lebanon, for starters; in Syria and Iran for the next stage. Fortunately,
Webster's does allow the insertion of an "E," and that's precisely what
we must now do. We need to make a prompt exit from the endless string of fiascoes
that has the Middle East marching to calamity.
If we do not take a sober look beyond the carnage of the last few weeks and
weigh the reaction of still others in and outside the region, I fear there will
be no exit. Perhaps it would be wise to start with a brief review: Who led our
march into this modern-day Valley of Death?
Ideologues and Amateurs
Let's begin with the new people and policies that
President George W. Bush brought in with him when he took office on Jan. 20,
2001. Who urged on him what Michael O'Hanlon of Brookings calls "the huge mistake
of giving Israel a blank check"? Who played the leading roles in encouraging
Bush to let slip the dogs of war on Iraq?
Honors for the leading role in the category of fiasco goes, ex
aequo, to Vice President Dick Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld
the "Cheney-Rumsfeld cabal," as described by Colin Powell's chief of staff
at the State Department, Col. Lawrence Wilkerson (USA, ret.). At an awards ceremony,
the cabal no doubt would offer copious thanks to key members of the cast first
and foremost, ideologues Paul Wolfowitz and Douglas Feith. The Oscar for best
actress in a supporting role goes to Condoleezza Rice.
It was five and a half years ago that Rice was formally initiated into the
neoconservative brotherhood as an auxiliary. Her most important service was
greasing the skids for the brothers to try to shoehorn into reality their ambitious
but naive dreams of using war to ensure total U.S./Israeli domination of the
Middle East. At the new administration's first National Security Council meeting
on Jan. 30, 2001, then-national security adviser Rice stage-managed formal approval
of two profound changes in decades-long U.S. policy toward Israel-Palestine
and Iraq. Thanks to Paul O'Neill, confirmed as treasury secretary just hours
before the NSC meeting, we have a firsthand account.
The neocons had already gotten to the new president, for he began with the
abrupt announcement that he was ditching the policy of past presidents who tried
to honestly broker an end to the violence between Palestinians and Israelis.
Rather, the president said the U.S. would now tilt sharply toward Israel. Most
importantly, Bush made it clear that he would let then-Israeli Prime Minister
Ariel Sharon resolve the conflict as he saw fit. The U.S. would no longer "interfere."
Powell: Dead Man Walking
According to O'Neill, Secretary of State Colin
Powell seemed "startled," and warned that U.S. disengagement would unleash Sharon
and the Israeli army. Bush shrugged dismissively, adding, "Sometimes a show
of strength by one side can really clarify things."
After his requiem for the decades of U.S. sweat and blood expended on the effort
to work out a solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict, the president turned
immediately to Iraq. Rice led off by reciting the received wisdom of the neocons
(I still wonder how many of them actually believed it
) that "Iraq might be
the key to reshaping the entire region." Whereupon, at her request, then-CIA
Director George Tenet displayed a grainy overhead image of a factory in Iraq
that he happened to have with him. Tenet thought the factory "might" be associated
with a chemical or biological weapons program, but that association could not
be confirmed. No problem. The conversation immediately turned from this typically
Tenet-ative "intelligence" to the question of which Iraqi targets to begin bombing.
O'Neill, just inducted into the Cabinet but not into the neoconservative brotherhood,
was understandably nonplussed. He says he found it all quite curious and left
the meeting convinced that, for reasons never fully explained, "getting Hussein
was now the administration's focus."
The twin decisions of (1) To "tilt" more decidedly toward Israel and (2) to
prepare to attack Iraq were right out of a blueprint drafted in 1996 by a small
group of Americans and Israelis, including arch-neoconservatives Richard Perle
and Douglas Feith. Shortly after the Jan. 30 NSC meeting, the two were given
influential posts in the Department of Defense directly under Defense Secretary
Donald Rumsfeld and his deputy, Paul Wolfowitz Perle as chair of the powerful
Defense Policy Board and Feith as undersecretary of defense for policy (#3 in
the defense hierarchy). The policy's prescriptive blueprint, titled, "A
Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm," had been prepared originally
for Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, but it proved to be too extreme even for
him. No matter. As the new Bush administration took shape, Perle and Feith retrieved
the mothballed study, made an end-run around the hapless Powell, and sold it
to Cheney, Rumsfeld, and Bush.
Dr. Rice Becomes Dr. No
There is a certain poetic justice in the fact
that Rice, now secretary of state, is reaping the whirlwind. She has been trapped
in the extremely awkward position of having to say "No" to a cease-fire to stop
the burgeoning violence, and then being mocked by the Israelis who openly violated
the cease-fire they had promised her.
Still an innocent abroad, Rice has loyally played piano accompaniment for the
neocon hit song, "Reshaping the Entire Region." She has, for example, described
the violence in Lebanon and Israel as "the birth pangs of a new Middle East."
On Friday, President Bush declared, "This is a moment of intense conflict
yet our aim is to turn it into a moment of opportunity and a chance for broader
change in the region."
Bush's remark elicited uncharacteristically acerbic ridicule from Richard Haass,
who served under Bush as head of policy planning at the State Department. (Yes,
this is the same Haass who in July 2002 begged Rice for an appointment with
the president, whom he wanted to warn of the folly of invading Iraq. Rice reportedly
told him, "The decision's been made; don't waste your breath.") Referring to
Bush's remarks on Friday, Haass, now head of the Council on Foreign Relations,
laughed at the president's optimism, according to a report by Peter Baker in
yesterday's Washington Post. "That's the funniest thing I've heard in
a long time," said Haass. "If this is an opportunity, what's Iraq? A once-in-a-lifetime
chance?"
It is far from funny. Rather, it is amateur-hour again at the White House,
with Rice acting as the president's personal secretary under instruction to
do what Cheney, Rumsfeld, and the neocons tell her to do. The results have been
entirely predictable. Seldom before has Washington been so widely seen to be
joined at the hip to an Israel on the rampage. Seldom has U.S. stock in the
region sunk to such depths as it did last week, with civilian casualties in
Lebanon piling up (literally) and with Rice joining Israel in rejecting appeals
for an immediate cease-fire on grounds that it must be "sustainable." Policy
and performance alike have been myopic in the extreme, and have resulted in
an embarrassing U.S. setback from which it will take decades to recover. The
ramifications are region-wide; but looking at Lebanon alone, one of my former
CIA colleagues observed:
"The irony in all this is that Israel has an interest in a multicultural
Lebanon and not an Islamist Lebanon, and the high hopes for the former are being
dashed."
Meanwhile, Back in Baghdad: More "Last Throes"
In terms of those killed, Iraq was even more violent
than Lebanon over the past week, but Western media put Iraqi developments on
the back burner.
Last Tuesday, President Bush told the press, "Obviously, the violence in Baghdad
is still terrible, and therefore there needs to be more troops." Bush observed
that: "Conditions change inside a country. And the question is: Are we going
to be facile enough (sic) to change with [them]." Some 4,000 U.S. troops are
being sent from elsewhere in Iraq to reinforce Baghdad. Senator Chuck Hagel
(R-Neb.) noted on July 28 that this "reverses last month's decision to have
Iraqi forces take the lead in Baghdad
and represents a dramatic setback for
the U.S. and the Iraqi government." Highly respected military analyst Anthony
Cordesman has expressed the same view.
- Secretary Rumsfeld approved Gen. George Casey's request to extend the Iraq
tour of a 3,700-strong Stryker brigade, which had been scheduled to return
to the U.S. this summer. And the Pentagon announced that the number of U.S.
troops in Iraq rose last week to 132,000 the highest level since May. In
a command performance in June, Gen. Casey reportedly gave Bush a plan for
withdrawing 7,000 troops before the midterm elections a plan that may now
be overtaken by events.
- Whether he intended to or not, National Security Adviser Stephen Hadley,
also fielding questions from the press, virtually redefined the mission of
U.S. troops. Addressing what he called the "new challenge," Hadley said, "This
isn't about insurgency. This isn't about terror. This is about sectarian violence."
The number of sectarian killings has doubled since the start of the year.
Press reports indicate that many Sunnis are even afraid to go out to retrieve
the bodies of relatives in Baghdad's overflowing morgues, lest they too become
prey to Shia militia. The very large unanswered question: Is that why our
troops lie exposed in the middle to stop Iraqis from killing one another?
- Richard Armitage, who was Colin Powell's deputy at the State Department,
warned that bringing in more troops at this late stage may prove to be "too
little too late, and that the U.S. will turn into a bystander in an Iraqi
civil war it does not have sufficient resources to prevent." Western press
reports suggest that this may already be the case; with virtually everyone
below the rank of general admitting that lack of troops is a major problem.
At the same time, it is universally recognized that requesting more troops
would sound the death knell for one's career.
- One key Shia leader has objected to the deployment of additional U.S. forces
to Baghdad, and Shia militias are increasingly clashing with U.S. troops.
The Shia militias are also using more effective, armor-piercing IEDs. U.S.
officers have expressed concern over what the Shia might do in reaction to
the U.S. green light for Israeli attacks on Lebanon. Col. Patrick Lang (USA,
ret.) has expressed grave concern over the vulnerability of U.S. supply lines
from Kuwait into the Iraqi heartland, and Iran's ability to stir up the Shia
in that area.
- Former adviser to the U.S. occupation authority in Iraq Michael Rubin, of
the American Enterprise Institute, has said, "The Shia-led Interior Ministry
is out of control." There is a strong move afoot in the Iraqi Parliament to
replace the interior minister.
Otherwise, all is going according to plan or so the Bush administration and
Fox News Channel would have us believe. It has become increasingly difficult
to put a positive spin on all this. Now and again, out of desperation, a PR
person will reach for the all-too-familiar chestnut: "We have not once been
defeated in battle."
Many years ago, Army Col. Harry Summers learned the hard way not to use this
one. At the end of the war in Vietnam, Summers received orders to negotiate
with North Vietnamese Army Col. Tu the terms of the withdrawal of U.S. forces
from Vietnam. Summers could not resist reminding Tu, "You know you never beat
us on the battlefield." Col. Tu paused for a moment: "That may be so," he said.
"But also irrelevant."
Many of us in Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS) have been
writing and shouting for 33 months that this war is UNWINNABLE. It is now time
for Americans interested in justice, sanity, and peace to draw the appropriate
conclusions and summon the courage to stick our necks out. For it is simply
not right to ask our troops in Iraq to play referee between factions and "stay
the course" for us, on the off chance we might get lucky and "reshape the entire
region."