For 18 months now, the George W. Bush administration
has periodically raised the charge that Iran is supplying anti-coalition forces
in Iraq with arms.
But in the past, high administration officials have always admitted that they
have no real evidence to support it. Now, they are going further. Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice told reporters on her current Middle Eastern trip,
"I think there is plenty of evidence that there is Iranian involvement
with these networks that are making high-explosive IEDs [improvised explosive
devices] and that are endangering our troops, and that's going to be dealt with."
However, Rice failed to provide any evidence of official Iranian involvement.
The previous pattern had been that U.S. and British officials suggest that
Iranian government involvement in the use by Sunni insurgents or Shiite militias
of "shaped charges" that can penetrate U.S. armored vehicles is the
only logical conclusion that could be drawn from the facts. But when asked point
blank, they admit that they have no evidence to support it.
That charge serves not just one administration objective but two: it provides
an additional justification for aggressive rhetoric and pressures against Tehran
and also suggests that Iran bears much of the blame for the sectarian violence
in Baghdad and high levels of U.S. casualties from IEDs.
The origins of the theme of Iranian complicity strongly suggest that it was
a propaganda line aimed at reducing the Bush administration's acute embarrassment
at its inability to stop the growing death toll of U.S. troops from shaped charges
fired at armored vehicles by Sunni insurgents.
The U.S. command admitted at first that the Sunnis were making the shaped charges
themselves. On Jun. 21, 2005, Gen. John R. Vines, then the senior U.S. commander
in Iraq, told reporters that the insurgents had probably drawn on bomb-making
expertise from former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein's army.
A Pentagon official involved in combating the new IEDs also told the New
York Times that the first such bombs examined by the U.S. military had required
considerable expertise, and that well-trained former government specialists
were probably involved in making them. The use of infrared detonators was regarded
as a tribute to the insurgents' "resourcefulness," according to the
But sometime in the next six weeks, the Bush administration made a decision
to start blaming its new problem in Iraq on Tehran. On Aug. 4, 2005, Pentagon
and intelligence officials leaked the story to NBC and CBS that U.S. troops
had "intercepted" dozens of shaped charges said to have been "smuggled
into northeastern Iraq only last week."
The NBC story quoted intelligence officials as saying they believed the IEDs
were shipped into Iraq by Iranian Revolutionary Guards or Hezbollah, but were
"convinced it could not have happened without the full consent of the Iranian
These stories were leaked to coincide with public accusations by then Defense
Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and U.S. Ambassador to Iraq Zalmay Khalilzad that
Iran was meddling in Iraqi affairs. A few days after the stories appeared, Rumsfeld
declared that these shaped charges were "clearly, unambiguously from Iran"
and blamed Tehran for allowing the cross-border traffic.
But the administration had a major credibility problem with that story. It
could not explain why Iran would want to assist the enemies of the militant
Shi'ite parties in Iraq that were aligned with Iran.
British troops in Shi'ite southern Iraq, where the shaped charges were apparently
used by Shi'ite militias, had an equally embarrassing problem with the IEDs
penetrating their armored vehicles. An unnamed senior British official in London
told BCC on Oct. 5, 2005, that the shaped charges that had killed British troops
in southern Iraq had come from Hezbollah in Lebanon via Iran.
The following day, British Prime Minister Tony Blair took the occasion of a
joint press conference with Iraqi President Jalal Talabani to declare that the
circumstances surrounding the bombs that killed British soldiers "lead
us either to Iranian elements or to Hezbollah." But Blair conceded that
he had no evidence of such a link.
Privately British officials said that the only basis for their suspicions was
that the technology was similar in design to the shaped charges used by Hezbollah
in its war to drive Israel out of southern Lebanon in the 1980s.
Anthony Cordesman, a highly respected military analyst at the Center for Strategic
and International Studies in Washington, explained why the story line blaming
Iran for the IED problem in Iraq didn't hold water. "A lot of this is just
technology that is leaked into an informal network," he told Associated
Press. "What works in one country gets known elsewhere."
The Blair government soon dropped that propaganda line. The Independent
reported Jan. 5, 2006, that government officials acknowledged privately that
there was no "reliable intelligence" connecting the Iranian government
to the more powerful IEDs in the south.
However, the U.S. administration continued to push that accusation, and Bush
himself raised the theme for the first time at a press conference Mar. 13, 2006.
"Some of the most powerful IEDs we're seeing in Iraq today," he said,
"came from Iran."
Bush quoted the director of national intelligence, John Negroponte, as testifying,
"Tehran has been responsible for at least some of the increasing lethality
of anti-coalition attacks by providing Shia militia with the capability to building
improvised explosive devices."
No reporter has followed up on what Negroponte meant by providing the "capability"
to build such devices or why the militias would need to go outside Iraq to find
The day after Bush's press conference, Gen. Peter Pace, chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, admitted at a Pentagon news conference that he had no evidence
of the Iranian government sending any military equipment or personnel into Iraq.
Rumsfeld, appearing with Pace, said, "All you know is that you find equipment
in a country that came from the neighboring country."
Last November, as the release of the Iraq Study Group report approached, administration
officials again planted the story of intercepted Iranian-made weapons and munitions
it had leaked in mid-2005. ABC News reported Nov. 30 that a "senior defense
official" had told them of "smoking-gun evidence of Iranian support
for terrorists in Iraq: brand new weapons fresh from Iranian factories."
The new twist in the story was that the weapons allegedly had manufacturing
dates in 2006. The story continued, "This suggests, say the sources, that
the material is going directly from Iranian factories to Shia militias, rather
than taking a roundabout path through the black market."
The assumption underlying the anti-Iran defense department spin that a private
market for weapons or, more likely, components, could not move them from Iran
across the porous border to Iraq in a few months is far-fetched.
At about the same time Bush apparently gave orders that the U.S. military should
seize any Iranians in the country in an effort to get some kind of evidence
to use in support of its propaganda theme. The first such operation came in
central Baghdad just before Christmas, and a second raid against Iranian diplomats
in Irbil was carried out to coincide with the president's speech last Wednesday.
These raids, presented to the public as part of a campaign against targets
supposedly identified through good intelligence, were clearly aimed at trying
to substantiate an anti-Iran line for which the administration has no credible
evidence. Those raids now create a requirement to produce something new to justify
(Inter Press Service)