Two
weeks ago I discussed how Congress and the administration use our fiat money
system to literally create some of the funds needed to prosecute our ongoing
wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. We've already spent more than $500 billion in
Iraq, mostly through supplemental spending bills that are not part of the normal
appropriations and budget process. But with costs soaring and no end to the
war in sight, yet another supplemental spending bill must be passed soon – and
both parties in Congress are only too willing to provide the money under the
guise of supporting the troops.
Never mind that the American people showed their dissatisfaction with the war
in the fall elections. Congress lacks the political will to stand up to the
administration and assert its power over the purse strings, and too many vested
interests in the defense sector benefit from the supplemental bills. A cynic
might even suggest that many Democrats want the war to drag on, despite their
supposed opposition, to damage the president politically and benefit them in
2008. But whatever the reason, the money for war keeps flowing.
Defense Department officials will ask Congress for the next supplemental bill
in coming weeks. The amount requested is likely to be at least $140 billion.
If we stay in Iraq beyond 2007 – and the administration has made it clear that
we will – the bill to American taxpayers easily could top one trillion dollars
in another year or two.
I doubt very seriously that most Americans think the war in Iraq is worth one
trillion dollars. Even those who do must face the reality that the federal government
simply doesn't have the money. Congress continues to spend more than the
Treasury raises in taxes year after year, by borrowing money abroad or simply
printing it. Paying for war with credit is reckless and stupid, but paying for
war by depreciating our currency is criminal.
Even the most modest suggestions for controlling spending in Iraq have been
rejected. Some in Congress argued that reconstruction money should be paid back
when Iraq's huge oil reserves resume operation. Another idea was to find
dollar-for-dollar offsets in the rest of the federal budget for every dollar
spent in Iraq. But the administration adamantly opposed both ideas. Budget cuts
are unpopular, and the profits from Iraqi oil will never compensate American
taxpayers.
The mentality in Washington is simple: avoid hard choices at all costs; spend
money at will; ignore deficits; inflate the money supply as needed; and trust
that the whole mess somehow will be taken care of by unprecedented economic
growth in the future.
We have embarked on the most expensive nation-building experiment in history.
We seek nothing less than to rebuild Iraq's judicial system, financial system,
legal system, transportation system, and political system from the top down
– all with hundreds of billion of U.S. tax dollars. We will pay to provide
job training for Iraqis; we will pay to secure Iraq's borders; we will pay for
housing, health care, social services, utilities, roads, schools, jails, and
food in Iraq. In doing so, we will saddle future generations of Americans with
billions in government debt. The question of whether Iraq is worth this much
to us is one Congress should answer now – by refusing another nickel for
supplemental spending bills.