At my hotel in Phnom Penh, the women and children
sat on one side of the room, palais-style, the men on the other. It was a disco
night and a lot of fun; then suddenly people walked to the windows and wept.
The DJ had played a song by the much-loved Khmer singer Sin Sisamouth, who
had been forced to dig his own grave and to sing the Khmer Rouge anthem before
he was beaten to death. I experienced many such reminders in the years following
Pol Pot's fall.
There was another kind of reminder. In the village of Neak Long, a Mekong
River town, I walked with a distraught man through a necklace of bomb craters.
His entire family of 13 had been blown to pieces by an American B-52. That
had happened almost two years before Pol Pot came to power in 1975. It is estimated
more than 600,000 Cambodians were slaughtered that way.
The problem with the United Nations-backed trial of the remaining Khmer Rouge
leaders, which has just begun in Phnom Penh, is that it is dealing only with
the killers of Sin Sisamouth and not with the killers of the family in Neak
Long, and not with their collaborators. There were three stages of Cambodia's
holocaust. Pol Pot's genocide was but one of them, yet only it has a place
in the official memory. It is highly unlikely Pot Pot would have come to power
had President Richard Nixon and his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger,
not attacked neutral Cambodia. In 1973, B-52s dropped more bombs on Cambodia's
populated heartland than were dropped on Japan during all of the Second World
War: the equivalent of five Hiroshimas. Declassified files reveal that the
CIA was in little doubt of the effect. "[The Khmer Rouge] are using damage
caused by B-52 strikes as the main theme of their propaganda," reported
the director of operations on May 2, 1973. "This approach has resulted
in the successful recruitment of a number of young men [and] has been effective
with refugees." Prior to the bombing, the Khmer Rouge had been a Maoist
cult without a popular base. The bombing delivered a catalyst. What Nixon and
Kissinger began, Pol Pot completed.
Kissinger will not be in the dock in Phnom Penh. He is advising President
Obama on geo-politics. Neither will Margaret Thatcher, nor a number of her
comfortably retired senior ministers and officials who, in secretly supporting
the Khmer Rouge after the Vietnamese had expelled them, contributed directly
to the third stage of Cambodia's holocaust. In 1979, the US and British governments
imposed a devastating embargo on stricken Cambodia because its liberators,
Vietnam, had come from the wrong side of the Cold War. Few Foreign Office campaigns
have been as cynical or as brutal. At the UN, the British demanded that the
now defunct Pol Pot regime retain the "right" to represent its victims
at the UN and voted with Pol Pot in the agencies of the UN, including the World
Health Organization, thereby preventing it from working inside Cambodia.
To disguise this outrage, Britain, the U.S., and China, Pol Pot's principal
backer, invented a "non-communist" coalition in exile that was, in
fact, dominated by the Khmer Rouge. In Thailand, the CIA and Defense Intelligence
Agency formed direct links with the Khmer Rouge. In 1983, the Thatcher government
sent the SAS to train the "coalition" in land-mine technology
in a country more seeded with mines than anywhere on earth except Afghanistan.
"I confirm," Thatcher wrote to opposition leader Neil Kinnock, "that
there is no British government involvement of any kind in training, equipping,
or cooperating with Khmer Rouge forces or those allied to them." The lie
was breathtaking. On June 25, 1991, the Major government was forced to admit
to parliament that the SAS had been secretly training the "coalition."
Unless international justice is a farce, those who sided with Pol Pot's mass
murderers ought to be summoned to the court in Phnom Penh: at the very least
their names read into infamy's register.