There are times when one tragedy, one crime tells
us how a whole system works behind its democratic facade and helps us to understand
how much of the world is run for the benefit of the powerful and how governments
lie. To understand the catastrophe of Iraq, and all the other Iraqs along imperial
history's trail of blood and tears, one need look no further than Diego
The story of Diego Garcia is shocking, almost incredible. A British colony
lying midway between Africa and Asia in the Indian Ocean, the island is one
of 64 unique coral islands that form the Chagos Archipelago, a phenomenon of
natural beauty, and once of peace. Newsreaders refer to it in passing: "American
B-52 and Stealth bombers last night took off from the uninhabited British island
of Diego Garcia to bomb Iraq (or Afghanistan)." It is the word "uninhabited"
that turns the key on the horror of what was done there. In the 1970s, the Ministry
of Defense in London produced this epic lie: "There is nothing in our files
about a population and an evacuation."
Diego Garcia was first settled in the late 18th century. At least 2,000 people
lived there: a gentle Creole nation with thriving villages, a school, a hospital,
a church, a prison, a railway, docks, a copra plantation. Watching a film shot
by missionaries in the 1960s, I can understand why every Chagos islander I have
met calls it paradise; there is a grainy sequence where the islanders' beloved
dogs are swimming in the sheltered, palm-fringed lagoon, catching fish.
All this began to end when an American rear admiral stepped ashore in 1961
and Diego Garcia was marked as the site of what is today one of the biggest
American bases in the world. There are now more than 2,000 troops, anchorage
for 30 warships, a nuclear dump, a satellite spy station, shopping malls, bars
and a golf course. "Camp Justice," the Americans call it.
During the 1960s, in high secrecy, the Labor government of Harold Wilson conspired
with two American administrations to "sweep" and "sanitize"
the islands: the words used in American documents. Files found in the National
Archives in Washington and the Public Record Office in London provide an astonishing
narrative of official lying all too familiar to those who have chronicled the
lies over Iraq.
To get rid of the population, the Foreign Office invented the fiction that
the islanders were merely transient contract workers who could be "returned"
to Mauritius, 1,000 miles away. In fact, many islanders traced their ancestry
back five generations, as their cemeteries bore witness. The aim, wrote a Foreign
Office official in January 1966, "is to convert all the existing residents
... into short-term, temporary residents."
What the files also reveal is an imperious attitude of brutality. In August
1966, Sir Paul Gore-Booth, permanent undersecretary at the Foreign Office, wrote:
"We must surely be very tough about this. The object of the exercise was
to get some rocks that will remain ours. There will be no indigenous population
except seagulls." At the end of this is a handwritten note by D.H. Greenhill,
later Baron Greenhill: "Along with the Birds go some Tarzans or Men Fridays
..." Under the heading, "Maintaining the fiction," another official
urges his colleagues to reclassify the islanders as "a floating population"
and to "make up the rules as we go along."
There is not a word of concern for their victims. Only one official appeared
to worry about being caught, writing that it was "fairly unsatisfactory"
that "we propose to certify the people, more or less fraudulently, as belonging
somewhere else." The documents leave no doubt that the cover-up was approved
by the prime minister and at least three cabinet ministers.
At first, the islanders were tricked and intimidated into leaving; those who
had gone to Mauritius for urgent medical treatment were prevented from returning.
As the Americans began to arrive and build the base, Sir Bruce Greatbatch, the
governor of the Seychelles, who had been put in charge of the "sanitizing,"
ordered all the pet dogs on Diego Garcia to be killed. Almost 1,000 pets were
rounded up and gassed, using the exhaust fumes from American military vehicles.
"They put the dogs in a furnace where the people worked," says Lizette
Tallatte, now in her 60s," ... and when their dogs were taken away in front
of them, our children screamed and cried."
The islanders took this as a warning; and the remaining population were loaded
on to ships, allowed to take only one suitcase. They left behind their homes
and furniture, and their lives. On one journey in rough seas, the copra company's
horses occupied the deck, while women and children were forced to sleep on a
cargo of bird fertilizer. Arriving in the Seychelles, they were marched up the
hill to a prison where they were held until they were transported to Mauritius.
There, they were dumped on the docks.
In the first months of their exile, as they fought to survive, suicides and
child deaths were common. Lizette lost two children. "The doctor said he
cannot treat sadness," she recalls. Rita Bancoult, now 79, lost two daughters
and a son; she told me that when her husband was told the family could never
return home, he suffered a stroke and died. Unemployment, drugs and prostitution,
all of which had been alien to their society, ravaged them. Only after more
than a decade did they receive any compensation from the British government:
less than £3,000 each, which did not cover their debts.
The behavior of the Blair government is, in many respects, the worst. In 2000,
the islanders won a historic victory in the high court, which ruled their expulsion
illegal. Within hours of the judgment, the Foreign Office announced that it
would not be possible for them to return to Diego Garcia because of a "treaty"
with Washington in truth, a deal concealed from parliament and the U.S.
Congress. As for the other islands in the group, a "feasibility study"
would determine whether these could be resettled. This has been described by
Professor David Stoddart, a world authority on the Chagos, as "worthless"
and "an elaborate charade." The "study" consulted not a
single islander; it found that the islands were "sinking," which was
news to the Americans who are building more and more base facilities; the U.S.
Navy describes the living conditions as so outstanding that they are "unbelievable."
In 2003, in a now notorious follow-up high court case, the islanders were denied
compensation, with government counsel allowed by the judge to attack and humiliate
them in the witness box, and with Justice Ousley referring to "we"
as if the court and the Foreign Office were on the same side. Last June, the
government invoked the archaic royal prerogative in order to crush the 2000
judgment. A decree was issued that the islanders were banned forever from returning
home. These were the same totalitarian powers used to expel them in secret 40
years ago; Blair used them to authorize his illegal attack on Iraq.
Led by a remarkable man, Olivier Bancoult, an electrician, and supported by
a tenacious and valiant London lawyer, Richard Gifford, the islanders are going
to the European court of human rights, and perhaps beyond. Article 7 of the
statute of the international criminal court describes the "deportation
or forcible transfer of population ... by expulsion or other coercive acts"
as a crime against humanity. As Bush's bombers take off from their paradise,
the Chagos islanders, says Bancoult, "will not let this great crime stand.
The world is changing; we will win."
This article first appeared in The